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Working Paper ISSN # 1072-9496
ANTIGUA AND BARBUDA: A LEGACY OF ENVIRONMENTAL DEGRADATION,
POLICY FAILURE, AND COASTAL DECLINE
By
Klaus de Albuquerque
and
Jerome L. McElroy
Supplementary Paper No. 5, 68 pages, December 1995
For more information or copies of this publication, contact:
Klaus de Albuquerque
Department of Sociology and Anthropology
College of Charleston
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Charleston, SC 29424-0001 USA
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Email: albuquerque@cofc.edu
or
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Professor of Economics
Department of Business Administration and Economics
Saint Mary's College
Notre Dame, Indiana 46556
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
This document has been reviewed but is "unedited." It comes from
the United States Agency for International Development (USAID)
funded Environmental and Natural Resources Policy and Training
Project (EPAT), implemented by the Midwest Universities
Consortium for International Activities, Inc. (MUCIA). The
views, interpretations, and any errors are those of the author(s)
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EPAT No. 293 of EPAT Set-Aside #70A prepared for the Midwest
Universities Consortium for International Activities, Inc.,
Columbus, OH (December, 1994).
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
Scope
Island Setting
ONE: ECONOMIC AND DEMOGRAPHIC CONTEXT
1960s Tourism Boom
Economic Imbalances
Current Situation
Population Size
Population Distribution
Population Density
Fertility
Mortality
Migration
Age and Sex Structure
TWO: EXTENT OF COASTAL RESOURCE IMPACTS
Introduction
Beaches and Bays
Salt Ponds/Mangrove Areas
Harbours
Reefs
Offshore Islands
THREE: NGOS AND STATE INSTITUTIONS INVOLVED WITH COASTAL RESOURCE
MANAGEMENT
State Institutions
Non-Governmental Organizations
Environmental Awareness Group
Local Business Effort
FOUR: LOCAL AND REGIONAL CONTEXT
The Local Context
Inter-organizational Power Balance
Legislation
Institutional Effectiveness
The Regional Context
Tourism Dependence
Informational Systems and Networks
Regional Organizations
Stakeholder Self-Management Groups
FIVE: CASE STUDIES OF NGO AND COMMUNITY RESISTANCE
Jolly Harbour
The Marina Bay Project
Coconut Hall
Sand Mining in Barbuda
The "K" Club
Lessons
SIX: IMPLICATIONS
REFERENCES
INTRODUCTION
Scope
After an introduction to the island setting, this case study
comprises six sections. The first provides the economic and
demographic context. The former emphasizes the role of tourism;
the latter highlights 1991 census results with an emphasis on
urbanization/suburbanization and population density trends.
The second provides a comprehensive qualitative assessment
of impacts on coastal resources as a result of tourism and
residential growth. It includes assessments of these impacts on
bays and beaches, salt ponds and marshes, fringing reefs and
off-shore islands, and the four main harbors.
The third examines the role and responsibilities of various state
agencies and institutions involved with coastal resource
conservation. It also discusses the major nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs) concerned with coastal conservation.
The fourth examines the local and regional institutional context.
The former includes a discussion of coastal and related
legislation and enforcement, the balance of local political
power, and the influence of the media. The latter develops the
tourism destination life cycle including the position of Antigua-
Barbuda in the context of 20 small Caribbean islands. Regional
environmental organizations are also discussed.
The fifth assesses the impact of grassroots NGOs and stakeholder
self-management groups on coastal preservation by reviewing four
resort development case studies and sand mining: Jolly Harbour,
Marina Bay, and Coconut Hall in Antigua and the "K" Club and sand
mining in Barbuda.
The sixth recaps the major threats to coastal resources and
presents a comprehensive policy response that emphasizes
integrated planning, widespread NGO and community participation,
environmental education, and--in contrast to past neglect--a
serious commitment to coastal conservation at the highest levels
of government.
Island Setting
The sister islands of Antigua and Barbuda (A/B), together with
uninhabited Redona, lie some 250 miles east-southeast of Puerto
Rico and roughly midway between the Northern Leewards and
Southern Windwards that comprise the Lesser Antillean chain in
the Eastern Caribbean. A/B is relatively small in population
(59,355, 1991 Census) and in land area (170 sq. mi.). Antigua
considerably dominates Barbuda in population (58,114 to 1,241)
and is nearly twice as large (108 to 62 sq. mi.).
Physically, the two islands are also distinct. Antigua is
coralline and volcanic in origin where flat central plains give
rise to gently rolling hills in the north and east, and higher
volcanic hills and fertile valleys in the southwest. The
coastline is deeply indented with abundant wetlands, beaches, and
fringing reefs (CEP, 1991: 1-27). Barbuda, 28 miles to the
north, is a very low limestone island without indentations but
with an abundance of sand dunes. It is dominated by Codrington
Lagoon which extends over one mile wide nearly the entire length
of the ten-mile western coast.
Several historical and natural features unique to A/B provide the
context for careful coastal resource planning and management.
Because of their gentle topography and central location, the
islands boast an extensive prehistory of Indian settlements
extending to 3,500 BC. Over 100 prehistorical sites have been
identified in Antigua, and they are concentrated in coastal areas
(D. Nicholson, n.d.). Colonized by Great Britain in 1632, the
islands were quickly transformed into tobacco, cotton and sugar
plantations which rapidly decimated virgin forests. Abundant
remnants of sugar mills and fortifications also dot the coastal
regions as testimony to Antigua's rich sugar history and
strategic role as headquarters for the British Navy in the
Leewards.
The post-emancipation era was characterized by absentee
expatriate plantation ownership, heavy peasant emigration, and a
weak tradition of land husbandry and environmental awareness.
The collapse of export sugar and cotton in recent decades has
coincided with attempts at small-scale food production and
livestock raising for the local market, aggressive tourism
development and light manufacturing. This restructuring has
created a terrestrial legacy of overgrazing and devegetation
particularly dangerous in the relatively dry (40-45 inches of
annual rainfall) Leewards where habitats are easily disturbed and
slow to recover. One consequence has been the gradual
concentration of endemic and other species in the heavily-
indented, wetlands-rich coastline areas where tourism growth has
been most intense and intrusive.
ONE: ECONOMIC AND DEMOGRAPHIC CONTEXT
1960s Tourism Boom
The past two decades have witnessed the continuing restructuring
of the economy away from colonial cotton and sugar towards
tourism, related construction and light manufacturing. Between
1977-1993, agriculture's share of GDP fell from 10 to 3.7 percent
(see table 1). Although marginal increases in domestic food and
livestock were recorded, fishing effort declined nearly 45
percent over the period.
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Table 1. Distribution of Real Gross Domestic Product at Factor
Cost by Economic Activity, Antigua-Barbuda
1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982
Agriculture 9.2 10.7 7.6 7.2 6.1 5.7
Mining/Quarrying 0.1 0.03 0.05 0.1 0.1 0.04
Manufacturing 4.3 5.1 5.3 5.9 6.8 6.8
Construction 6.8 6.4 7.6 8.9 9.3 5.7
Elec./Water 3.6 3.5 3.1 3.1 3.4 3.6
Transport 12.0 12.2 13.4 12.6 12.0 12.1
Communication 3.8 4.8 6.8 5.7 6.6 9.1
Wholesale/Retail 10.7 11.0 10.8 10.6 10.1 10.5
Hotel/Restaurant 11.6 12.7 13.3 13.4 12.7 12.7
Banks/Insurance 6.4 6.8 6.7 7.2 7.3 6.6
Real Estate/Housing 12.0 11.9 11.0 10.7 10.5 11.0
Other Services 6.0 3.2 3.2 2.4 3.1 4.1
Government 13.5 11.7 11.2 12.2 12.0 12.1
TOTAL 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988
Agriulture 5.3 4.0 3.7 3.6 3.7 3.6
Mining/Quarrying 0.05 0.07 0.1 2.0 2.5 2.5
Manufacturing 6.5 6.3 5.9 5.7 5.4 5.1
Construction 4.9 5.5 6.6 8.1 10.1 10.7
Elec./Water 3.7 3.4 3.5 3.9 3.3 3.2
Transport 12.7 12.9 13.1 13.4 13.4 14.2
Communication 9.6 9.4 9.6 9.4 9.2 9.3
Wholesale/Retail 10.0 9.9 9.6 9.3 9.0 9.0
Hotel/Restaurant 14.1 16.6 16.7 16.3 16.1 16.5
Banks/Insurance 6.7 6.5 6.3 6.3 6.3 6.4
Real Estate/Housing 10.6 10.0 9.6 9.1 8.8 8.5
Other Services 4.0 4.0 4.4 2.5 2.3 1.5
Government 11.9 11.4 10.9 10.4 9.9 9.5
TOTAL 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 [note 1]
Agriculture 3.6 3.6 3.6 3.7 3.7
Mining/Quarrying 2.5 2.3 2.3 2.1 2.0
Manufacturing 4.9 4.9 4.5 4.1 3.9
Construction 11.4 9.9 10.3 9.6 8.9
Elec./Water 3.2 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.3
Transport 14.1 14.1 13.6 13.4 14.0
Communication 10.3 10.5 12.2 12.9 12.9
Wholesale/Retail 8.8 8.8 8.6 8.5 8.5
Hotel/Restaurant 15.6 15.8 15.1 15.7 14.2
Banks/Insurance 6.5 7.0 7.2 6.8 6.9
Real Estate/Housing 8.3 8.4 8.3 8.4 8.4
Other Services 1.6 2.4 2.2 2.5 4.5
Government 9.2 9.2 8.9 9.0 8.8
TOTAL 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Source: Computed from "Selected Economic Indicators: Antigua and
Barbuda," Economic Affairs Secretariat, OECS, Antigua Statistical
Office, St. John's, Antigua.
Note 1: 1993 Data Provisional.
-----------------------------------------------------------------
On the other hand, substantial gains were made in tourism and
related sectors: construction, sand mining, transport and
communications. The GDP contribution of these five sectors
advanced from approximately a third to over half of GDP
indicating indirectly that tourism may account for half of all
activity as others have suggested (Weston, 1990; Thorndike,
1986). Although light manufacturing (textiles, electronics,
assembly etc.) has doubled absolutely over the period, its GDP
share has remained small (5%) because of high local costs, labor
scarcity, and weak regional export markets.
Most growth and diversification took place during the 1980s. The
total number of visitors (stayover and cruise) and hotel rooms
doubled, and electricity production tripled. The number of
telephones and vehicles tripled, and construction permit value
rose seven times. Average annual GDP grew roughly 7 percent, as
did yearly inflation. Per capita real GDP rose over 2.5 times to
roughly US$6,350 in 1991.
Economic Imbalances
Because of the strength and concentration of this tourist-related
growth, the same decade witnessed the emergence of several
interrelated structural imbalances that have inhibited recent
growth and reduced A/B's capacity to respond to long-term
economic and environmental problems. These include excessive
reliance on tourism and external financing, mushrooming trade
deficits, budget deficits, a deteriorating infrastructure, and
sectoral wage/employment imbalances. For example, real GDP
stagnated between 1981-82 largely as a result of the sharp drop-
off in visitors at the same time, with full tourism recovery
arriving only after 1984. Similar growth deceleration since 1990
is linked to the slowdown in visitor expansion compounded by
economic mismanagement.
The 1980s tourism boom was heavily supported by foreign debt.
External indebtedness rose nearly five-fold (see table 2) during
the five-year 1985-1990 period to finance the construction of the
Royal Antiguan Hotel and Heritage Quay duty-free shopping
complex, airport expansion, and road and other infrastructure
repair. Presently, the size of this debt burden has become a
serious drag on growth. At the end of 1992, it represented over
40 percent of total outstanding debt for all 9 OECS countries
(ECCB, 1993:16). At the end of 1993, the total debt plus
interest and arrears amounted to US$377 million, nearly equal to
market GDP at factor cost. Debt service amounted to 10 percent
of GDP and 70 percent of Central Government revenue (CARIBBEAN
WEEK, 1994).
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Table 2. Selected Economic Indicators Antigua - Barbuda
Year Total Recurrent Visible Trade Total External
Visitors Budget Deficit Debt Disbursed
[note 1] Account (EC$M) (US$M)
(000s) (EC$M)
1977 104.1 -12.7 -75.2 18.1
1978 131.8 -8.4 -76.9 21.2
1979 169.9 -1.7 -69.8 31.0
1980 205.0 -3.6 -165.3 33.6
1981 209.0 -10.0 -191.8 46.9
1982 164.1 0.5 -317.6 51.6
1983 165.0 0.1 -240.8 53.0
1984 207.9 -1.2 -308.6 53.3
1985 273.3 -3.0 -404.0 55.5
1986 286.8 11.3 -507.4 151.8
1987 326.6 -1.2 -614.4 231.8
1988 376.7 -10.8 -615.4 243.4
1989 383.4 -8.2 -476.6 260.3
1990 412.1 -5.7 -631.5 263.1
1991 436.6 -6.2 -656.8 260.0
1992 443.7 1.1 -716.4 251.4
1993 460.2 NA NA NA
[note 2]
Year Electricity Annual Implicit GDP
Generated Growth real Deflator (%)
(MKwh) GDP (%)
1977 44.6 --- ---
1978 46.0 3.5 7.8
1979 44.9 10.2 10.9
1980 50.3 6.7 10.8
1981 53.9 5.0 7.2
1982 55.2 0.4 9.2
1983 65.5 6.7 5.1
1984 68.9 7.5 5.4
1985 76.5 8.8 6.7
1986 86.4 9.7 7.5
1987 90.6 9.0 7.6
1988 103.4 7.7 10.6
1989 107.6 6.3 3.8
1990 111.6 3.5 2.5
1991 125.2 4.3 3.5
1992 132.7 1.2 2.0
1993 NA 3.4 3.0
[note 2]
Source: See Table 1 and ECCB, REPORT AND STATEMENT OF ACCOUNTS
(3/1993).
Note 1. Includes stayover and cruise, but not yacht visitors.
Note 2. Provisional estimates.
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Such heavy external borrowing was necessitated partly by
recurring budget deficits resulting from excessive internal
borrowing and high inflation-induced wage pressures from
government employees (McElroy and de Albuquerque, 1990). The
debt's legacy today is the continuing postponement of needed
public investment, labor market distortions that favor
government, tourism and construction over agriculture and
manufacturing, and generally slower overall growth. By default,
long-standing environmental restoration, mitigation, monitoring
and enforcement plans are neglected or poorly implemented.
Current Situation
Since 1990 growth has declined to less than half the 1980's rate.
Between 1991-1993 public investment contracted because of
external debt obligations, and private investment was dampened
because of uncertainty from the rolling recession in major
tourist origin markets. In some years construction and mining
recorded negative growth (ECCB, 1990:21). Agriculture has
continued to be plagued by distribution bottlenecks, and light
manufacturing has steadily declined amidst major plant closings,
downsizing, and weak market demand. However, a 1994 economic
upturn seems likely with favorable growth in tourist arrivals and
a pick-up of public construction on roadways, public buildings,
and airport repairs (ECCB, 1994:10). But there are ominous
clouds on the horizon. Much of the increase in visitor bookings
is all-inclusive business with negligible local impact beyond the
resorts themselves. The winter 1994-95 season has started more
poorly than expected and occupancy rates for many hotels are much
below normal. The economy is also reacting to the Government's
proposed Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) designed to reign
in spending, cut public employment, and raise revenues
(especially customs and property taxes). However, reduced
payrolls have not yet appeared, foreign cargo continues to escape
inspection, and uncollected property taxes mount.
Population Size
The 1991 Census, the first complete census to be conducted in
Antigua-Barbuda since 1960, enumerated a total population of
59,355, with 58,114 persons in Antigua and 1,241 in Barbuda (see
table 1). This count, based on all persons residing in the two
islands on census night (May 28, 1991) regardless of citizenship,
was 22,000 to 25,000 persons less than estimates made by the
Department of Statistics and various Government Ministries. The
unexpected low 1991 Census count prompted a lot of debate in
Antigua regarding the conduct of the census and the usual
enumeration problems. However, we are fairly confident, having
followed the census operations closely, that the 1991 Census
achieved about 95% coverage. An estimate by the Census Office,
for households which were known to exist but could not be
contacted (refusals etc.), indicates that about 3,000 persons
were not enumerated.
Table 3 shows the population of Antigua-Barbuda by parish and
island as enumerated in the 1960, 1970 and 1991 censuses. The
1970 Census was based on a sample of returns and is therefore not
a complete census. Between 1960 and 1991 the population of
Antigua-Barbuda grew by only 9.3 percent, reflecting an average
annual rate of growth of 0.29 percent. This very low growth rate
can be explained by extensive emigration, the magnitude of which
was revealed by the 1991 census count.
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Table 3. Population Size and Distribution by Parish and Island,
1960, 1970 and 1991
YEAR
1960 [note 1] 1970 [note 2]
Parish N % of Total N % Total
St. John's 28,953 53.3 35,669 55.0
City [note 4] 21,595 39.8 21,814 33.7
Rural 7,358 13.5 13,855 21.4
St. George's 3,644 6.7 4,495 6.9
St. Peter's 3,192 5.9 4,479 6.9
St. Phillip's 4,127 7.6 5,141 7.9
St. Paul's 6,447 11.9 7,103 11.0
St. Mary's 6,798 12.5 6,836 10.6
Antigua (Total) 53,161 97.9 63,723 98.3
Barbuda 1,143 2.1 1,071 1.7
TOTAL 54,304 100.0 64,794 100.0
YEAR
% Change
1991 [note 3] 1960-1991
Parish N % of Total
St. John's 35,635 60.0 23.1
City [note 4] 21,514 36.2 ----
Rural 14,121 23.8 ----
St. George's 4,473 7.6 22.7
St. Peter's 3,622 6.1 13.5
St. Phillip's 2,964 5.0 28.2
St. Paul's 6,117 10.3 5.1
St. Mary's 5,303 8.9 22.0
Antigua (Total) 58,114 97.9 9.3
Barbuda 1,241 2.1 8.6
TOTAL 59,355 100.0 9.3
Source: Population Censuses, 1960, 1970, 1991
Note 1. De facto population
Note 2. Results based on a sample of returns
Note 3. Generated resident population
Note 4. In 1976 St. John's City boundaries were changed from 0.85
sq. miles to 2.9 sq. miles. St. John's City and Rural data are
not comparable between 1960 and 1991.
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Population Distribution
Table 3 also shows changes in the population distribution between
1970 and 1991. Like most small Caribbean islands, settlement
patterns in Antigua have long favored residence in and around the
capital/port city and reflect a strong urban orientation (McElroy
and de Albuquerque, 1981). In 1960, 53.3 percent of the
population of Antigua-Barbuda resided in the city and parish of
St. John's, about the same percentage recorded in the 1946
census. By 1991 the city and parish of St. John's accounted for
60.0 percent of the population. Areas of greatest growth between
1970-1991 were all those within easy commuting distance of the
city of St. John's and along the major road arteries leading into
the capital--Factory Road (St. Johnsons Village, Potters,,
Sutherlands), Old Parham Road (Skerrets, Sutherlands, Casada
Gardens), Fort Road (Gambles, Gambles Terrace, Paradise View),
Friar's Hill Road (Upper Gambles, Friar's Hill), All Saints Road
(Ottos, New Town, Branns, Belmont), and Valley Road(Gray's Hill,
Nut Grove, Golden Grove, Creekside).
Along with the parish of St. John's, only two other parishes
experienced population growth since 1960, St. George's which grew
by 22.7 percent and St. Peter's which grew by 13.5 percent.
Growth in St. George's was primarily due to growth in those areas
within close commuting distance of St. John's city--Winthorpes,
Barnes Hill, Piggott, and Coolidge.
Linked to increasing urbanization/suburbanization of Antigua has
been the steady loss of population from some of the more distant
less tourist penetrated rural communities. The parishes of St.
Phillip's, St. Paul's, and St. Mary's experienced declines
between 1960-1991 of 28.2, 5.1, and 22.0 percent respectively.
These declines were not experienced evenly throughout these
parishes. For example, in the Parish of St. Paul, tourism
related growth in the English Harbour-Falmouth area, led to
significant population increases in the English Harbour/Marsh
Village and Falmouth/Cobbs Cross areas. However, the village of
Liberta lost population. The 1970 Census estimated Liberta's
population at 2,394, but in 1991, only 1,473 persons were
enumerated in Liberta. Similarly, communities like John Hughes,
Buckleys, Sawcolts, Swetes, and Bethesda have been losing
population as people leave to be closer to their jobs in St.
John's. Like the experiences of other islands (e.g. the United
States Virgin Islands, New Providence, St. Maarten) which have
undergone the tourism-led economic restructuring currently
underway in Antigua, it is anticipated--despite some of the
disaggregating effects of tourism--that there will be a further
concentration of economic activity in and around the city of St.
John's. Furthermore, with planned improvements in the
infrastructure, the continued growth in household and personal
income, and the ubiquity of the automobile, the pace of
suburbanization (into St. John's parish) should quicken.
In Barbuda, almost all the population is clustered in and around
the town of Codrington. Codrington proper has about 66 percent
of the population. The adjoining area to the north of Codrington
along River road has 24 percent of the population, and the area
to the south of Codrington has the remaining 10 percent.
Population Density
Antigua-Barbuda's population density of 349 persons per square
mile (see table 4) is average by Organization of Eastern
Caribbean States (OECS) standards. However, if Antigua were
taken alone, its population density would rank it near the top
with Grenada and St. Vincent. With projected increases in
population, densities will rise and will require greater planning
efforts to avoid the accompanying environmental and social
problems so evident in small, densely populated mass tourism
islands (St. Thomas, St. Maarten, etc.). Already in some areas
of the city of St. John's, densities of close to 10,000 people
per square mile are common, and since these areas often have
inadequate sewage and sanitary facilities, concerns about public
health issues have increased. While population density in the
parish of St. John has increased, there are indications that
population pressure in the city of St. John's has eased (the
census data for 1960 and 1991 are not comparable because the
city's boundaries were expanded in 1976).
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Table 4. Population Density and the Number of Households by
Parish and Island, 1960 and 1991
Population Density [note 1]
Parish 1960 1991 % Change
St. John's 1,016 1,250 23.0
City [note 3] 25,406 7,419 ---
Rural [note 3] 266 522 ---
St. George's 394 484 22.8
St. Peter's 250 284 13.6
St. Phillip's 243 174 -28.4
St. Paul's 348 331 -4.9
St. Mary's 298 241 -19.1
Antigua 492 538 9.3
Barbuda 18 20 11.1
Antigua and Barbuda 319 349 9.4
No. of Households [note 2]
Parish 1960 1991 % Change
St. John's 7,351 11,254 53.1
City [note 3] 5,590 6,963 ---
Rural [note 3] 1,761 4,291 ---
St. George's 890 1,419 59.4
St. Peter's 840 1,065 26.8
St. Phillip's 964 886 -8.1
St. Paul's 1,480 1,835 24.0
St. Mary's 1,400 1,595 13.9
Antigua 12,925 18,054 39.7
Barbuda 240 367 52.9
Antigua and Barbuda 13,165 18,421 39.9
Sources: Population Census 1960 and 1991
Note 1. Per square mile
Note 2. Private households
Note 3. St. John's City boundaries changed between 1960 and 1991
so the figures for St. John's City and St. John's Rural for the
two census years are not comparable.
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Barbuda's population density is extremely low by Caribbean
standards, largely because its drier sandy environment has been
historically incapable of supporting a large population.
Table 4 shows a significant increase in the number of households
between 1960 and 1991, particularly in the island of Barbuda
where the number of households increased by 53 percent. The
parish of St. John's also saw a 53 percent increase in the number
of households, and in adjacent St. George's the number of
households increased by 59 percent. Only St. Phillip's saw a
decrease in the number of households (abandonment etc.). This
significant increase in the number of households is a good proxy
measure of the strong performance of the Antiguan economy in the
1980's when the construction sector was extremely vibrant.
Increases in the number of households have been paralleled by
decreases in household size. In 1960, the average household in
the city of St. John's had 3.9 persons and by 1991 this had
declined to 3.1 persons. Average household size for Antigua as a
whole dropped from 4.2 persons in 1960 to 3.2 persons in 1991.
In Barbuda, household size declined from 4.8 persons to 3.4
persons.
Fertility
Fertility estimates for Antigua and Barbuda have to be revised in
light of 1991 census results. Table 5 shows a significant
decline in the birth rate, from 34.6 in 1960 to 21.2 in 1991.
Comparatively speaking, this puts Antigua-Barbuda slightly lower
than most other OECS states, with the exception of Montserrat.
The total fertility rate (TFR) computed from 1991 census data was
2.5, a substantial decrease from 1970 when it was 3.3. However,
the 1991 TFR was much above the projected TFR of 1.7. Fertility
decline in Antigua can be explained by invoking "modernization"
factors--improvements in female educational attainment, greater
female labor force participation, the widespread availability of
contraceptives and delayed marriage. Additionally, values
regarding family size have also undergone a change, and Antiguan
women today appear to desire fewer children than did their
counterparts 20 years ago.
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Table 5. Selected Demographic Indicators, 1960-1991
Year
INDICATOR 1960 1970 1991
Sex Ratio 87.3 89.4 93.1
Crude Birth Rate 34.6 23.8 21.2
Crude Death Rate 9.9 6.3 7.1
Rate of Natural Increase (%) 2.5 1.8 1.4
Total Fertility Rate (TFR) NC [note 1] 3.3 2.5
Median Age (Both Sexes) NC [note 1] 17.7 25.6
Males 16.5 24.5
Females 18.9 26.4
Life Expectancy (Years--both sexes)
62 62 72
Infant Mortality Rate 64 25 22
Sources: Population Censuses, 1970 and 1991; GOAB, Department of
Statistics; U. S. Department of Commerce, 1978; Population
Reference Bureau, 1991; Sinha, 1988
Note 1. NC - not computed
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Mortality
Declines in mortality (see table 5) have been less marked because
the mortality transition has been underway significantly longer
than the fertility transition. There is some evidence to
indicate that the crude death rate reached its nadir at about 6
per 1,000 population and is inching upwards with the aging of the
population. Life expectancy for both sexes is currently estimated
at 72 years. Mortality rates in A/B are lower than in the United
States and Canada because of the relatively young population
(PRB, 1993). Improvements in medical care, living conditions and
nutrition have certainly contributed to increased life
expectancy, but changing dietary habits, particularly the
consumption of high fat and processed, frozen and canned food,
have already ushered in a whole new series of diet-related health
problems.
Private medical care and the Holberton Hospital are adequate for
the basic health needs of the population, yet the practice of
seeking both routine and specialized health care off-island
(Guadeloupe, Puerto Rico, U.S. Virgin Islands, the United States
and Canada) continues. The Springview Hospital on Barbuda is
also adequate but still relies on expatriate doctors and dentists
brought in on a rotational basis.
Migration
Like most Caribbean societies, A/B has had a long migration
tradition: to Panama and the Bermuda dockyards at the turn of the
century, the Dominican Republic the first two decades of this
century, Aruba and Curacao in the 1940's and 1950's, Great
Britain in the late 1950's and early 1960's, and the United
States, the United States Virgin Islands (USVI), and Canada after
1962. Emigration declined significantly after 1973, particularly
following the tightening of immigration restrictions in the USVI,
the most popular destination for Antiguans in the 1970's. Since
the late 1980's, Antiguans have been returning from the USVI and
elsewhere to retire or set up businesses, yet return migration
remains an unappreciated phenomenon of significant policy
relevance (returnees often have considerable savings and much
needed skills).
Table 6 shows that an estimated 26,218 persons emigrated between
1960 and 1991, a spectacular number given the fact that during
this period the total resident population was slightly over twice
this number. Most of this emigration would appear to have been
to the USVI and the U.S. mainland (see table 6).
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Table 6. Estimated Net Migration, 1960-1991
Population 1960-1990
1960 54,304 Births Deaths Natural Increases
1991 59,355 44,994 13,725 31,269
Net Change 5,051
Estimated Net Migration = Net Change - Natural Increase
= 5,051 - 31,269 = -26,218
1960-1990 - Emigration to the U. S. (includes USVI) 20,329
Emigration to Canada 2,457
Emigration to U. K. and elsewhere N/A
Source: Population Census, 1991 Preliminary Report and Summary
Report
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Immigration into A/B has received very little attention from the
Government, yet the 1991 census revealed that 20.8 percent of the
population is foreign born (see table 7). If the experiences of
other Caribbean mass market tourist destinations (e.g. the
Bahamas, the USVI, Cayman Islands, St. Maarten) are any guide,
immigration might become a vexatious policy issue in the future.
Significant immigration into Antigua began in the early 1960's
when persons from the island of Dominica came over to work in the
nascent tourist industry. Today, persons born in Dominica
represent 21 percent of the total foreign born population (see
table 7). They are closely followed by Guyanese, mostly of
African origin, who began arriving in 1985, primarily to fill the
teacher shortage. Besides teaching, Guyanese are to be found in
the hotel industry, building trades and in manufacturing. The
next largest groups are of persons born in the United States, the
United Kingdom and the neighboring island of Montserrat. The
first two groups are split between expatriates (professionals,
business persons and retirees) and children of returnees born in
the U.S. or the U.K. There is a sizable and growing retirement
community of primarily North Americans--a phenomenon whose long-
term social and economic consequences have not been seriously
examined in the region (see McElroy and de Albuquerque, 1992).
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Table 7. Place of Birth and Sex Ratios for the Foreign Born
Population, 1991
Place of Birth No. Percent Sex Ratio
Dominica 2,580 20.9 66.9
Guyana 1,753 14.2 91.0
USA 1,382 11.2 105.0
Montserrat 892 7.2 94.8
United Kingdom 658 5.3 110.9
Dominican Republic 656 5.3 85.3
St. Vincent and Grenadines 505 4.1 185.3
St. Kitts/Nevis 495 4.0 80.7
USVI 451 3.7 110.7
St. Lucia 414 3.4 89.9
Jamaica 408 3.3 48.9
Other Countries 2,140 17.4 84.1
Total 12,334 100.0 91.7
Source: Population Census, 1991
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Other groups of importance are Vincentians, recruited mainly to
serve in the Police Force, and persons from the Dominican
Republic, working mainly as "hostesses", service workers and in
manufacturing. Two foreign born groups whose economic importance
far outweighs their numbers, are the Syrians/Lebanese and the
Chinese (Hong Kong). The latter group began arriving in
significant numbers in 1989, many by purchasing Antigua
passports, and their numbers have swelled during the past few
years. The former are part of an early immigrant community that
began arriving in the l960's and early 1970's, and found an
economic niche, initially, through "suitcase" trading. This
community dominates the retail trade in Antigua, and counts among
its members some of the wealthiest most influential citizens.
Since 1987 this community has expanded rapidly through the
recruitment of young male relatives directly from Syria and
Lebanon.
Sex ratios of the various foreign born groups reflect their
occupational clustering--male Vincentians as policemen, Jamaican
females as nurses and teachers, Dominicans and other Eastern
Caribbean female immigrants as hotel and restaurant workers.
Age and Sex Structure
The imprint of migration is clearly visible in the age and sex
structure of the population (see table 8). In 1970, the working-
age population (15-64) accounted for only 50.7 percent of the
total population. By 1991, it had increased to 61.3 percent of
the population, as a result of a combination of factors: falling
birthrates, increasing life expectancy, and declining emigration
opportunities. The latter were most keenly felt in the younger
(15-34) working-age population. The sex ratios also point to the
effects of emigration, with the early migrant stream in the
1960's being dominated by males (e.g. cane cutters to St. Croix)
and subsequent migrant streams favoring female workers slightly.
Significant increases in the proportion of persons over 65 years
and in the sex ratio of this group point to increases in life
expectancy and also to return migration, with male returnees
coming home first.
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Table 8. Population by Broad Age Groups and Sex Ratio, 1970-1991
1970
Age Group No. Percent Sex Ratio
0-4 9,543 14.7 100.1
5-14 18,980 29.3 100.1
15-44 23,409 36.1 84.7
45-64 9,469 14.6 89.6
65+ 3,270 5.1 47.5
Not Stated 123 .2
ALL AGES 64,794 100.0 89.4
1991
Age Group No. Percent Sex Ratio
0-4 6,152 10.4 100.3
5-14 11,925 20.1 99.9
15-44 28,653 48.3 92.6
45-64 7,740 13.0 90.2
65+ 4,885 8.2 76.7
Not Stated --- ---
ALL AGES 59,355 100.0 93.1
Source: Population Census, 1970 and 1991
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Despite a slowdown in the Antiguan economy since 1990, labor
shortages continue in many areas, particularly in hotels and
restaurants, construction, teaching, and health care. The number
of work permits issued to foreigners continues to rise.
TWO: EXTENT OF COASTAL RESOURCE IMPACTS
Introduction
When Antigua was settled by Europeans in the 17th century it was
described as a heavily wooded island where fresh water and timber
could be readily obtained. Today the island is almost entirely
deforested from centuries of burning and cutting down trees to
plant tobacco, cotton, indigo and later sugar. This devegetation
continued downstream after the decline and phase-out of export
monoculture. With livestock overgrazing on the hillsides and
intrusive tourism development, infrastructure construction, and
sand mining in the coastal regions.
Barbuda, also settled by Europeans in the 17th century, being
drier and having poorer soils, was unable to support intense
agriculture, and was used primarily for raising livestock for the
Codrington estates in Antigua. The livestock were allowed to run
wild and today Barbuda is plagued by the problem of feral
livestock (donkeys, goats, sheep, horses etc.) who are
responsible for some of the destruction of Barbuda's vegetation,
including such hardy species as acacias. The Barbuda environment
must have been wetter with less scrub vegetation at the time of
settlement,since the early settlers called the island "Dulcina"
for its "excellence and pleasantness thereof" (Nicholson, 1991).
Beaches and Bays
Tables 9-14 provide a quick qualitative assessment of A/B's
coastal resources. Like any quick qualitative reference guide,
they suffer from problems of subjectivity and incompleteness.
However, in the absence of good baseline and continuing
scientific data on what is happening to A/B coastal resources,
the tables provide a useful guide for the ensuing discussion.
The tourist promotional literature on A/B touts the islands as
having 365 beaches--"one for every day of the year". While this
is a bit of advertising hyperbole, A/B are well endowed with some
of the finest beaches in the world. Indeed, Barbuda has one of
the longest beaches in the Caribbean stretching about 22 miles,
with the sand being Bermuda pink in places. Unfortunately,
tourism development on many of the more accessible beaches in A/B
has occurred in the absence of the normal kinds of set-back
requirements, concerns for preserving shoreline vegetation, and
overall environmental safeguards necessary to sustain their
recreation appeal into the next century. In fact, resort/marina
encroachment on beaches and shorelands in A/B has taken place in
the absence of any controls, with developers having virtual carte
blanche to design/expand their properties irrespective of their
despoliation of A/B's most precious natural resources.
The two best known beaches in Antigua, Dickenson Bay and Runaway
Bay, have been colonized by a variety of hotels, condominiums,
apartments, cottages, restaurants and beach bars, and are fast
taking on the appearance of beaches in some of the mass tourist
Caribbean destinations such as Aruba, Barbados or St. Maarten.
Kitchen waste is routinely piped/dumped into these two bays, and
occasionally sewage, because of frequently malfunctioning sewage
treatment plants. An environmental impact assessment (EIA) found
surprisingly high coliform counts in water samples drawn from
both bays (Jackson, 1987). Pollution and damage to corals and
sea grass beds from water related activities (jet skis, pleasure
boats etc.) is extensive. In addition, a marina/condominium
project located at Corbison Point between the two bays, cut a
channel from the northern end of Runaway Bay into MacKinnons salt
pond, causing considerable siltation from dredging operations (de
Albuquerque, 1991). Both beaches have experienced steady erosion
over the years because of tourism related development activities
and sand mining (in the Dry Hill area of Runaway Bay).
Fort Bay (Fort James), one of the first beaches to be designated
a public beach, and a popular bathing beach for both locals and
tourists, has experienced heavy erosion over the years. The
surrounding area has been the site of dumping of dredge
materials. Currently many casuarina trees are being bulldozed
down, and some sand mining has occurred. Purportedly a public
beach, Fort James has a number of beach bars/restaurants, and the
output of solid waste (cans, plastics, etc.) from these
operations is significant, particularly on weekends and holidays.
Other so-called public beaches (Ffryes, Darkwood, Morris Bay,
Pigeon Pt., Halfmoon, and Jabberwock) are experiencing similar
development pressure. At Darkwood, the area adjacent to the
beach is being bulldozed. At Pigeon Pt. beach bars have appeared
and residential development is cutting into the surrounding
hillsides. At Jabberwock, there is considerable litter and solid
waste dumping. Only Halfmoon Bay approaches the ideal of a
public beach because of its park status.
The beaches from Yeptons to Hawksbill Bay are also under
development pressure and show evidence of degradation (beach and
shoreline erosion, extensive brush and tree clearance etc.). The
only three beaches that are near pristine in the Five Islands
area are Landing Bay, Pinching Bay and New Division Bay, and this
primarily because of accessibility problems.
Of great concern to many Antiguans is the severe beach erosion in
Hermitage Bay and Pearns Bay and the destruction of shoreline
vegetation due to illegal sand mining operations. In fact, the
area from Pearns Point to Ffryes Bay is under considerable
environmental stress mostly from the Jolly Harbour development
(see de Albuquerque, 1991) and the extensive beach and water
related activities at Jolly Beach Hotel (now Club Antigua). The
spillover effects of these activities are felt as far as Cades
Reef through significant numbers of inexperienced snorklers on
glass bottom boat excursions. When the marina at Jolly Harbour
becomes fully operational, there will be the additional pollution
from the recreational marine facilities. Already, the water in
Lignum Vitae Bay has occasionally a distinctive diesel/gasoline
smell.
Even east coast beaches in the Willoughby, Nonsuch and Mercers
Creek Bay areas are under threat from current or proposed tourism
and residential development. In point of fact, few beaches on
Antigua or even on the more accessible offshore cays have been
free from the heavy imprint of non-sustainable human activities.
Barbuda, because it is fairly remote and less dependent on
tourism, has fared much better. But even here some beaches and
shoreline areas are showing evidence of erosion and other
intrusions. At Dulcina, the Landing, and Palmetto Point there is
significant erosion (see table 9). Even beautiful Low Bay has
litter left over from daytrippers as has Two Feet Bay on the East
coast. While most of the East coast beaches are pristine to near
pristine, they all have cruise ship and other debris cast ashore
by swells and the occasional storm. Nevertheless, they remain
among the most pristine beaches in the Caribbean, very much in
need of "park" or "protected area" designation.
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Table 9. Qualitative Assessment of Antigua's Coastal Resources,
Beaches and Bays
BEACHES/SHORELINES Status
-Observations
*Reasons
HOG JOHN BAY (YEPTONS) S2D
-extensive brush clearance, some erosion, beach/water related
activities
*tourism development (hotel)
PILLAR ROCK S2D
-extensive brush clearance, beach/water related activities
*tourism development (condominiums)
DEEP BAY S2D
-extensive brush clearance, slight erosion, extensive beach/water
related activities, heavy siltation, marine pollution
*tourism development (dredging and fill)
GALLEY BAY S2D
-extensive brush clearance, erosion, extensive beach/water
related activities
*tourism development (hotel)
LANDING BAY NP
HAWKSBILL BAY S2D
-brush clearance, erosion, extensive beach/water related
activities
*tourism development (hotel)
PINCHING BAY NP
NEW DIVISION BAY NP
HERMITAGE BAY S3D
-brush clearance, severe beach erosion
*sand mining
PEARNS BAY S3D
-brush clearance, severe beach erosion
*sand mining
THE COVE (PEARNS PT.) (LEPER COLONY) S3D
-heavy siltation, erosion, destruction of corals and sea
grass beds
*dredging for Jolly Harbour development
MOSQUITO COVE Lost
-beach, mangroves and salt pond destroyed
*tourism development (Jolly Harbour)
LIGNUM VITAE BAY (JOLLY BEACH) S3D
-extensive brush and tree clearance, extensive beach/water
related activities, oil pollution through boating activities,
turbidity, destruction of marine organisms, damage to coral and
sea grass beds
*tourism related activities (Jolly Beach Hotel)
FFRYES BAY S3D
-severe beach erosion, brush and tree clearance, litter, solid
waste dumping
*sand mining, extensive beach use (tourists and residents)
DARKWOOD S3D
-extensive tree and brush clearance, sediment runoff, damage to
corals and sea grass beds, extensive mangrove damage
*land development, extensive beach use, sand mining
CRAB HILL BAY (JOHNSON'S POINT) S2D
-extensive tree and brush clearance, some beach erosion, damage
to corals and sea grass beds
*tourism development (hotel, cottages), artisanal fishing
MORRIS BAY (CURTAIN BLUFF) S2D
-extensive brush and tree clearance, some beach erosion
*tourism development (hotels)
CARLISLE BAY S2D
-extensive brush and mangrove clearance, sediment runoff,
beach/water related activities
*tourism development (hotel)
FARLEY BAY S1D
-Some litter
*occasional beach use
RENDEZVOUS BAY (DOIGS BEACH) S1D
-brush clearance, litter, some erosion
*planned land development, occasional beach use
PIGEON PT. S2D
-brush and tree clearance, some destruction of corals and sea
grass beds
*residential development, boat anchors, dinghies, extensive beach
use, yacht anchorage
FREEMANS BAY (ENGLISH HARBOUR) S2D
-extensive brush and tree clearance, sediment runoff, damage to
sea grass beds, extensive beach and water activities, marine
pollution (raw sewage, oil, diesel, etc.) turbidity
*yacht anchorage, tourism development (hotels/restaurants),
residential development
MAMORA BAY S2D
-extensive brush and tree clearance, damage to coral and sea
grass beds, extensive beach and water activities, turbidity
*tourism development (hotel), residential development (Savannah)
WILLOUGHBY BAY S1D
-brush and tree clearance, some mangrove destruction
*residential development, proposed tourism development, (initial
dredging)
HALF MOON BAY S1D
-extensive brush and tree clearance, some damage to corals and
sea grass beds, extensive beach and water activities, litter,
some oil pollution from ships, some beach erosion (natural
causes)tourism development (hotel),
*extensive beach use (tourists and residents)
EXCHANGE BAY S2D
-extensive brush and tree clearance, some damage to corals and
sea grass beds, extensive beach and water activities
*tourism development (hotel)
GREAT DEEP BAY AND LITTLE DEEP BAY S1D
-some brush and tree clearance
*tourism development (villas)
NONSUCH BAY (BROWN'S BEACH) S1D
-brush and tree clearance, sediment run off
*residential development, tourism development
LONG BAY S2D
-extensive brush and tree clearance, litter, extensive beach and
water activities, damage to coral and sea grass beds, destruction
of mangroves
*tourism development (hotels, restaurants)
MERCERS CREEK BAY S1D
-brush and tree clearance, solid waste dumping, sediment run off,
damage to sea grass beds
*residential development, artisanal fishing
GUIANA BAY S1D
-brush and tree clearance, artisanal fishing
*land development (proposed tourism development)
CRABS PENINSULA S2D
-extensive brush and tree clearance, marine pollution (oil
diesel), thermal pollution, damage to corals and sea grass
beds,some mangrove destruction
*marine activities, land development
FITCHES CREEK BAY S1D
-extensive brush and tree clearance, litter, solid waste dumping,
damage to sea grass beds, beach and water activities,
coastal erosion, some mangrove destruction
*residential development, tourism development, artisanal fishing
WINTHORPES BAY S1D
-extensive brush and tree clearance, litter, solid waste dumping,
damage to sea grass beds, beach and water activities
*residential development, tourism development, artisanal fishing
DUTCHMAN BAY S2D
-extensive brush and tree clearance, beach and water activities,
coastal erosion
*tourism development (hotels), U.S. Naval Facility
HODGES BAY (JABBERWOCK) S2D
-extensive brush and tree clearance, some damage to corals and
sea grass beds, sediment run off, litter, solid waste dumping
*residential development, tourism development, sand mining
BOONS BAY S2D
-extensive brush and tree clearance, sediment run off, some
damage to corals and sea grass beds
*residential development, tourism development
BLUE WATERS BAY S2D
-extensive brush and tree clearance, sediment run off, damage to
corals and sea grass beds, extensive beach and water activities,
slight to moderate coastal erosion
*residential development, tourism development (hotel)
LANGFORD BAY S1D
-brush and tree clearance, some sediment run off
*residential development
DICKENSON BAY S3D
-extensive brush and tree clearance, extensive beach and water
activities, sewage discharge, marine pollution (oil, diesel,
gasoline), extensive damage to corals and sea grass beds,
turbidity, slight to moderate beach erosion
*tourism development (hotels and restaurants)
RUNAWAY BAY S3D
-extensive brush and tree clearance, extensive beach and water
activities, sewage discharge, marine pollution (oil, diesel,
gasoline), extensive damage to corals and sea grass beds,
sediment run off, turbidity, moderate beach erosion
*tourism development (hotels, and restaurants), sand mining
FORT BAY (FORT JAMES) S3D
-extensive brush and tree clearance, extensive beach and water
activities, litter, solid waste dumping of dredge spoil, sediment
run off, moderate beach erosion
*land development (bulldozing), recreational and tourism
development (restaurants, beach bars), sand mining
Source: Personal Observations, Klaus de Albuquerque (1986-1994);
Personal Communication, E. T. Henry, Leah Bunce, and Kevel
Lindsay.
P = Pristine -- no evidence of human impacts
NP = Near Pristine -- little evidence of human impacts (some
litter, less than 2%, shoreline vegetation destroyed, little or
no beach erosion as a result of human activity, little or no
siltation of beach waters)
S1D = Slightly degraded --considerable evidence of human impacts
(litter, 2-10% shoreline vegetation destroyed, some beach erosion
partially as a result of human activity, some siltation of beach
waters)
S2D = Significantly degraded -- very significant evidence of
human impacts (moderate amount of litter, 10-50% of shoreline
vegetation destroyed, moderate beach erosion partially as a
result of human activity, moderate siltation of beach waters)
S3D = Severely degraded -- evidence of excessive human impacts
(large amount of litter, greater than 50% shoreline vegetation
destroyed, severe beach erosion partially as a result of human
activity, heavy siltation of beach waters
L = Lost
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Salt Ponds/Mangrove Areas
In the 1980s it was estimated that wetlands in A/B constituted
about 11 percent of the total land area or about nearly 5,000
hectares, with Barbuda having the larger proportion (de
Albuquerque, 1991). These wetlands consist largely of salt ponds
and adjoining mangrove swamps, both rich in delicate habitat and
species diversity. Salt ponds and mangrove areas in A/B are
being destroyed/lost at an alarming rate, primarily due to
tourism development, and some of the island's unique flora and
fauna are seriously endangered. What makes Antigua's salt
ponds/mangrove swamps particularly attractive for tourism
development is that often associated with them is a strip of
sandy beach. The land adjacent to the beach is usually too
narrow to accommodate a major tourism resort complex, so when
these areas are slated for development, part, or the entire,
pond/swamp is filled in. Until 1988 there was little public
concern voiced over the development of wetlands, nor was there
much awareness of how valuable mangrove swamps/salt ponds were as
nurseries for fish and crustaceans and as wildlife habitats.
Indeed, these mangrove swamps/salt ponds have long been used as
garbage dumps and assumed to have only nuisance value.
Table 10 shows the extent of loss of mangrove swamps and salt
ponds. Both Ballast Bay and Deep Bay salt ponds have been lost
because of development activities in relationship to the Royal
Antiguan Hotel (now Ramada Renaissance). Some parts of the
Flashes have been reclaimed, large areas of mangroves have died,
and much of the grasses and weeds have disappeared. We suspect
that this is due to the dumping of toxic and other wastes at
Cook's dump. Other mangrove areas/salt ponds have also been
destroyed in the last 6 years--at Jolly Hill, Carlisle Bay, and
Emerald Cove, all as a result of tourism development. The
destruction of the Jolly Hill saltpond/mangrove area and its
subsequent impact, is detailed in de Albuquerque (1991).
Currently the salt pond/mangrove area at Darkwood is being
systematically destroyed through clearance of the adjacent area
for road expansion and a yet undisclosed development. There are
several other salt ponds/mangrove areas that require close
monitoring, namely Crab Hill, Yorks, and MacKinnons, to ensure
that they do not go the way of Jolly Hill or Carlisle Bay.
Mackinnons has already experienced severe environmental pressure,
first from several oil spills in the 1970s from the now abandoned
Occidental Petroleum Refinery, and more lately the discharge of
raw sewage from hotels and the dredging and filling in of the
northern end of the pond.
-----------------------------------------------------------------
TABLE 10
Qualitative Assessment of Antigua's Coastal Resources, Salt
Ponds/Mangrove areas
SALT POND/MANGROVE AREA Status
-Observations
*Reasons
BALLAST BAY (ST. JOHN'S) L
-reclaimed land filled in by dredged materials
*road to Deep Bay (Ramanda Renaissance Hotel)
DEEP BAY S2D
-parts reclaimed, destruction of pollution
*tourism development (hotels)
GALLEY BAY S2D
-some fill in, destruction of some mangroves
*expansion of Galley Bay Hotel
PINCHING BAY S1D
-some brush and tree clearance
*road to beach
THE FLASHES
Salt Pond S2D
-parts reclaimed
*road to Deep Bay
Mangrove Areas S2D
-solid waste dumping, industrial
*inadequate solid waste disposal system and toxic waste, clearing
of mangroves
Yorks
Salt Pond S2D
-extensive brush and tree clearance
*grazing animals, solid waste dumping,
inadequate solid waste
disposal system
Mangrove Areas S2D
-some clearing of mangroves
JOLLY HILL
Salt Pond L
-lost to Jolly Harbour
*tourism development (marina and condominiums)
Mangrove Areas L
-lost to Jolly Harbour
COCKS HILL S2D
-extensive brush and tree clearance
*tourist related development, some dumping, some fill in
VALLEY CHURCH S1D
-extensive brush and tree clearance
*inadequate solid waste disposal system, some solid waste dumping
DARK WOOD
Salt Pond S3D
-solid waste dumping, heavy siltation
*land development (bulldozing hillside), some fill in
Mangroves S3D
-extensive destruction
CRAB HILL
Salt Pond S2D
-some fill in, some dumping
*tourism development (hotel, apartments)
Mangroves S3D
-extensive destruction
CARLISLE BAY
Salt Pond L
-cleared and filled in
*tourism development (hotel, tennis courts)
Mangroves L
-cleared and filled in
FALMOUTH
Mangrove Area L
-cleared
*commercial, residential and tourism development
BETHESDA/CHRISTIAN COVE
Salt Ponds S1D
-some solid waste dumping
*inadequate solid waste disposal system
Mangrove Area S1D
-some clearing
*land development
SOLIDER POINT
Mangrove Area NP
AYRES CREEK
Mangrove Area S2D
-some siltation, considerable area destroyed
*land development
LEDEATT COVE (EMERALD COVE)
Mangrove Area L
-cleared
*tourism development (Emerald Cove Villas)
LORD'S COVE
Mangrove Area NP
KELLY'S LANDING
Mangrove Area S1D
-some siltation from surface run off
*land development
MERCERS CREEK NP
FARLEY BAY NP
CRUMP ISLAND
Mangrove Area NP
CRUMPS WHARF (COCONUT HALL) S3D
-extensive clearing
*land development (Coconut Hall)
HAND POINT/THE NARROWS/GUIANA ISLAND
Mangrove Area S1D
-some clearing
*road, Ferry to Guiana Island
CRABS POINT S2D
-marine pollution, some dumping
*Crabs Marina, some clearing of mangroves
PARHAM
Mangrove Areas S2D
-some solid waste dumping, some
clearing of mangroves
*inadequate solid waste disposal system
FITCHES CREEK
Mangrove Areas S1D
-some solid waste dumping
*land development, some siltation from surface run off
MCKINNON'S
Salt Pond S2D
-sewage discharge, dredging channel
*tourism development (Marina Bay), Runaway Bay, oil pollution
from old refinery, very high BOD's
Mangrove Areas
-considerable clearing and fill in
*tourism development, e.g. (Marina Bay, mangroves dying in some
areas, restaurant), land development (residential and commercial)
Source: Personal Observation, Klaus de Albuquerque, 1986-1994.
Personal Communication, E. T. Henry, Leah Bunce, and Kevel
Lindsay.
P = Pristine -- no evidence of human impacts
NP = Near Pristine -- little evidence of human impacts (some
litter, less than 2%, shoreline vegetation destroyed, little or
no beach erosion as a result of human activity, little or no
siltation of beach waters)
S1D = Slightly degraded --considerable evidence of human impacts
(litter, 2-10% shoreline vegetation destroyed, some beach erosion
partially as a result of human activity, some siltation of beach
waters)
S2D = Significantly degraded -- very significant evidence of
human impacts (moderate amount of litter, 10-50% of shoreline
vegetation destroyed, moderate beach erosion partially as a
result of human activity, moderate siltation of beach waters)
S3D = Severely degraded -- evidence of excessive human impacts
(large amount of litter, greater than 50% shoreline vegetation
destroyed, severe beach erosion partially as a result of human
activity, heavy siltation of beach waters
L = Lost
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Harbours
Antigua's harbours are in trouble. Table 11 provides some
assessment of the main problems. St. John's harbour is extremely
polluted from sewage, industrial and chemical waste, solid waste,
etc. In fact, divers searching for old bottles and other
artifacts indicate that there is very little marine life and the
bottom muds are foul smelling. Continuous dredging activity has
also resulted in considerable suspended sediments, and large
plumes of suspended sediment can be seen during periods of heavy
rain extending out of St. John's harbour to West Channel and
Sandy Island Channel. One of the major problems contributing to
the dreadful conditions of St. John's harbour is the lack of a
sewerage system for the city of St. John's.
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Table 11. Qualitative Assessment of Antigua's Coastal Resources,
Harbours
HARBOUR Status
-Observations
*Reasons
ST. JOHN'S S3D
-dredging, sewage discharge, solid waste, dumping, dredge fill,
marine pollution (oil, diesel, gasoline, toxic wastes), sediment
run off, excessive turbidity, destruction of benthic communities,
considerable debris (bottles, cans, etc.)
*land development, dredging, infrastructure development, no
sewage system, shipping activities (cruise, cargo, etc.)
FALMOUTH HARBOUR S2D
-sewage discharge (mostly yachts),
solid waste dumping, some
marine pollution (oil, diesel, gasoline), sediment run off,
damage to corals and sea grass beds, destruction of mangroves
*anchored yachts, other marine activities, tourism development
(hotels and restaurants), residential development
ENGLISH HARBOUR S2D
-sewage discharge (mostly yachts), marine pollution, (oil,
diesel, gasoline) sediment run off, damage to corals, sea grass
beds and mangroves, considerable debris (bottles, cans, etc.)
*anchored yachts, tourism development (hotels and restaurants),
residential development
PARHAM HARBOUR S2D
-sewage discharge, solid waste dumping ,
marine pollution (oil,
diesel, gasoline), damage to sea grass beds and mangroves
*residential development, marine activities, artisanal/commercial
fishing
Sources: Personal observations, Klaus de Albuquerque, 1986-
1994. Personal Communication, E. T. Henry, Leah Bunce, and Kevel
Lindsay, Weiss, 1989.
P = Pristine -- no evidence of human impacts
NP = Near Pristine -- little evidence of human impacts (some
litter, less than 2%, shoreline vegetation destroyed, little or
no beach erosion as a result of human activity, little or no
siltation of beach waters)
S1D = Slightly degraded --considerable evidence of human impacts
(litter, 2-10% shoreline vegetation destroyed, some beach erosion
partially as a result of human activity, some siltation of beach
waters)
S2D = Significantly degraded -- very significant evidence of
human impacts (moderate amount of litter, 10-50% of shoreline
vegetation destroyed, moderate beach erosion partially as a
result of human activity, moderate siltation of beach waters)
S3D = Severely degraded -- evidence of excessive human impacts
(large amount of litter, greater than 50% shoreline vegetation
destroyed, severe beach erosion partially as a result of human
activity, heavy siltation of beach waters
L = Lost
-----------------------------------------------------------------
English Harbour also suffers from some of the same problems,
sewage from yachts and solid waste dumping, but to a lesser
extent. Deep Quadrant (1989) divers reported a lot of debris on
the bottom, including bottles, bottle tops, cans, batteries,
tires etc. Given the importance of English Harbour to Antigua's
tourism, it is critical that all yachts be required to have
holding tanks, and that better monitoring of littering overboard
and dumping from land, takes place, especially during the annual
"Race Week". This also applies to Falmouth Harbour. In
addition, it is imperative that some mooring regulations be put
into place, designating mooring areas and requirements.
In Barbuda, the area around Codrington jetty is experiencing some
pollution and dumping, and this needs to be carefully monitored
as the Codrington Lagoon is one of the largest in the Caribbean
and an extremely important habitat for fish, crustaceans, bird
life and other wildlife. The northern part of Codrington Lagoon
has one of the largest Frigate Bird colonies in the Western
Hemisphere and offers significant potential for local well
managed eco-tours.
Reefs
Weiss (1989) notes that between 1941 and 1981, Antigua's fringing
reefs, particularly on the north and northeast coasts, have
diminished in size and in the abundance of coral and sea grasses
(see table 12). He associates these changes to coastal and
marine development, most notably, dredging, the construction of
ramps and docks, tourism and residential development on beaches
and cliffs, and the discharge of raw sewage and other pollutants.
A Reefwatch study conducted by the Deep Quadrant team in 1989,
concluded that for the most part Antigua's reefs are in
reasonable shape, but it cautioned against the detrimental
effects of uncontrolled tourism on reef ecosystems.
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Table 12. Qualitative Assessment of Antigua's Coastal Resources,
Reefs
REEF LOCATION REEF QUALITY INDEX [note 1]
-Observations
*Reasons
LONG ISLAND 26
-Low coral species richness and abundance, some dead coral and
coral rubble, high algal abundance
*Jumby Bay Resort, snorkelers, divers, anchored boats, fish traps
LITTLE BIRD ISLAND 24-25
-low coral species richness and abundance, high algal abundance
and richness
*fish traps, anchored boats, spear fishing
GREAT BIRD REEF 28
-low coral species richness and abundance, high algal abundance
and richness
*fish traps, anchored boats, divers and snorkelers,
possible
contamination (marina, desal and cement plant)
BIRD ISLAND CHANNEL 28-35
-low coral species richness and abundance, some dead coral and
coral rubble, high algal abundance
*fish traps, anchored boats, spear fishing
BOON REEF N/A
-low coral abundance, and moderate coral species richness, high
algae species richness and abundance
*fish traps, spear fishing, eutrophication (sewage discharge from
hotels), anchored boats, divers
SANDY ISLAND 28
-high coral species richness and abundance, moderate algae
species richness and abundance, lower visibility, low fish
population density
*anchored boats, divers, snorkelers, fish traps, spear fishing
FORT BARRINGTON 17
-low coral species richness and abundance, high algae species
richness and abundance, low fish population density, heavily
sedimented
*sewage discharge (hotels, St. John's) dredging in St. John's
harbour
MIDDLE REEF 16
-low coral species richness and abundance, moderate algal
abundance, low fish population density
*snorkelers, spear fishing
ARIADNE FLOAT NA
-high coral abundance, moderate coral species richness, low algae
species richness and abundance, good visibility, high fish
population density
*off-shore reef
CADES REEF 29-34
-moderate coral species richness and abundance moderate to high
algae species richness and
*fish traps, spear fishing, anchored boats, divers and
snorkelers, hurricane effects
RENDEZVOUS BAY 25
-low coral species richness and moderate coral abundance, low
algae abundance
*spear fishing, coral harvesting
BISHOPS REEF 35
-low coral species richness and moderate coral abundance, low
algae abundance
*somewhat isolated
INDIAN CREEK 37
-moderate coral species richness and abundance, low algae
abundance, moderate fish population density
*isolated
MAMORA REEF 29
-low coral species richness and moderate coral abundance,
moderate algae abundance, low fish population density
*snorkeling, boat anchors
HORSESHOE REEF 27-30
-low coral species diversity, moderate high algal species
diversity and abundance, moderate fish population
*somewhat isolated
Source: Personal Observation, Great Bird Island, Middle Reef,
Cades Reef, Rendezvous Bay and Mamora Reef, 1986-94; Bunce, 1994;
Deep Quadrant, 1989; Weiss, 1989.
Reef Quality Index - 50 represents a maximum score and indicates
a reef in excellent condition, 10 represents a minimum score.
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Bunce's more recent study (1994) indicates that the reefs are
being significantly degraded as evidenced by low coral species
diversity and abundance, low fish populations, increasing
sediment levels, and moderate to high algae abundance. Bunce
concludes her report with the following recommendations (in
addition to continued monitoring of reefs):
"regulate fishing in order to reduce algae growth; investigate
sewage outfall sites...;instigate a user fee on divers and
snorklers...; install mooring buoys to reduce anchor damage;
limit land run-off and sewage disposal...; and increase diver
awareness to reduce diver damage" (Bunce, 1994:31).
We might also add the need to control spearfishing and indeed ban
it from certain reefs, to control fish traps and mandate the use
of natural materials to construct them, and to monitor the
discharge of sewage and all other pollutants and wastes into the
coastal waters. Given the high value of reefs to A/B fishing and
tourism industries, the implementation of all these measures is
essential.
The fringing reefs in Barbuda are in significantly better
condition although they do show some visible human impacts--most
notably from fish traps and spearfishing (see table 13). While
not overfished like Antigua's reefs, reef fish populations in
many of Barbuda's reefs are low to moderate. Coral species
diversity is low to moderate, while coral abundance appears to be
moderate. Algae species diversity and abundance is generally
low. Lobster pots and fish traps ring Barbuda, and fishermen
have been complaining for years about significant declines in
their catches. Most of the lobsters caught in Barbuda's waters
are immediately bought up and flown to St. Maarten, Martinique
and the Virgin Islands. Even Palaster Reef, which has protected
status, was observed to have lobster pots by Deep Quandrant
divers. The Reef Quality Index established for this reef by the
divers "falls within the general pattern observed for Antigua
reefs" (Deep Quadrant, 1989).
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Table 13. Qualitative Assessment of Antigua's Coastal Resources,
Off-Shore Islands
OFF-SHORE ISLAND Status
=Observations
-Reasons
*Comments
GREEN ISLAND NP
=some litter, some threat to wildlife
-day trippers, overnight campers, fishermen, poachers
*turtle nesting sites
PELICAN ISLAND NP
=some litter, some threat to wildlife
-day trippers, fishermen, poachers
CRUMP ISLAND NP
=marine park
GUIANA ISLAND NP
=some litter, some threat to wildlife
-day trippers, fishermen
Great Bird Island NP
=some litter, some threat to wildlife
-day trippers, poachers
Long Island S1D
=some brush clearance, some threat to wildlife
-tourism development (Jumby Bay)
*turtle nesting sites
Sandy Island S1D
=litter, some destruction of corals
-day trippers
*turtle nesting sites
Source: Personal Observation, Klaus de Albuquerque, 1986-1994.
Personal Communication, E. T. Henry, Leah Bunce and Kevel
Lindsay.
P = Pristine -- no evidence of human impacts
NP = Near Pristine -- little evidence of human impacts (some
litter, less than 2%, shoreline vegetation destroyed, little or
no beach erosion as a result of human activity, little or no
siltation of beach waters)
S1D = Slightly degraded --considerable evidence of human impacts
(litter, 2-10% shoreline vegetation destroyed, some beach erosion
partially as a result of human activity, some siltation of beach
waters)
S2D = Significantly degraded -- very significant evidence of
human impacts (moderate amount of litter, 10-50% of shoreline
vegetation destroyed, moderate beach erosion partially as a
result of human activity, moderate siltation of beach waters)
S3D = Severely degraded -- evidence of excessive human impacts
(large amount of litter, greater than 50% shoreline vegetation
destroyed, severe beach erosion partially as a result of human
activity, heavy siltation of beach waters
L = Lost
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Offshore Islands
With the exception of Long Island and Sandy Island, Antigua's
offshore islands are all near pristine--they show some (minimal)
evidence of human impacts, in the form of litter left behind by
fishermen and daytrippers, and the occasional poacher (birds
eggs, turtle eggs, etc.).
Long Island is dominated by the tasteful and well laid out Jumby
Bay Resort, and the resort must be commended for its
environmental awareness, particularly, its assistance with a
turtle monitoring and conservation project. Sandy Island is the
second most heavily dived site in Antigua, being visited by an
estimated average of 107 divers/snorkelers a week, not to mention
a number of local fishermen who spearfish and/or set fish traps
around the island (Bunce, 1994). There is a lot of litter left
behind on the island from daytrippers and fishermen, and the
island shows the imprint of heavy human visitation.
Most of Antigua's offshore islands need some kind of protected
status since there are several potential developers waiting in
the wings. Guiana Island, for example, is being targeted by the
Antigua Government for development, and Cabinet is just waiting
for Taffy Bufton, the eccentric Englishmen who lives on the
island and vigorously protects its wildlife (especially the
deer), to die. Crump Island is also slated for development, and
currently there is a private effort underway to establish a
marine park there. There are also some concerns, that because
these two offshore islands are so close to Antigua, that they may
someday be connected by causeway rather than ferry. Bird Island
is also being considered as a site for a proposed marine park to
be managed by the National Parks Authority. The preliminary plan
for this has been funded by the Organization of American States
(OAS).
THREE: NGOs AND STATE INSTITUTIONS INVOLVED WITH COASTAL
RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
State Institutions
There are several governmental agencies in Antigua that are
responsible for the management of coastal resources. The
National Parks Authority is responsible for the management of the
Dockyard National Park, Monk's Hill, Halfmoon Bay, and several
other areas under development. The Public Works Department has
the responsibility for enforcing the Beach Protection Act on 1957
(see table 14), which prevents removal of sand and aggregate from
beaches and foreshores. The Central Board of Health (CBH) is
responsible for the collection and disposal of solid and liquid
wastes and for enforcing sanitation laws. The Port Authority is
charged with managing the ports/harbours. The main
responsibility for managing the coastal resources, however,
belongs to the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries, Lands and
Housing. Within this Ministry, the Fisheries Department is
charged with protecting the marine resources, the Lands Division
with the management and control of Crown (Government) lands, and
the Development Control Authority with the overall monitoring and
control of all development and construction. In fact, from a
statutory standpoint, Antigua has all the necessary laws (see
table 15) and institutional framework to effectively manage and
monitor its coastal resources (for a more detailed description
see CEP, 1991).
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Table 14. Qualitative Assessment of Barbuda's Coastal Resources
RESOURCE Status
-Observations
*Reasons
BEACHES/SHORELINE
BILLY PT. TO CEDAR TREE PT. NP
CEDAR TREE PT. TO LOW BAY NP
LOW BAY NP
-some litter
*day trippers (tourists and residents)
PALMETTO PT. S3D
-destruction of sand dunes, building of Palmetto forests, sea
grape stands and mangrove stands, salt water intrusion, beach
erosion
*sand mining (halted under court order), tourism development
(hotel and condominiums)
MARTELLO TOWER S1D
-brush clearance, some erosion, litter
*day trippers
THE LANDING S3D
-extensive brush clearance, severe beach erosion, unsightly solid
waste flow
*sand mining operation base, pier has interrupted normal current
DULCINA S2D
-extensive brush clearance, significant beach erosion
*tourism development
K-CLUB
-extensive brush and tree clearance, filling in of salt pond,
bulldozing of mangrove stands, some beach erosion
*tourism development
COCA PT.
-extensive brush clearance, some erosion
*tourism development
SPANISH PT. NP
-planned tourism development
*(on hold)
PELICAN BAY P
CASTLE BAY NP
-some litter
*occasional day trippers
RUBBISH BAY P
TWO FEET BAY NP
-some litter
*day trippers
GOAT ISLAND P
SALT PONDS/MANGROVES
CODRINGTON JETTY S1D
-solid waste dumping, diesel and gasoline pollution
*boating/shipping activities, inadequate waste disposal system
CUFFY CREEK (MANGROVES) NP
GOAT ISLAND FLASHER P
(Mangroves)
GOAT ISLAND CODRINGTON
LAGOON SIDE (MANGROVES) NP
SOUTH CODRINGTON LAGOON
-- Mangroves NP
-- Salt Ponds NP
K-CLUB
=Salt Pond S3D
-partially filled in
*tourism development
=Mangroves S3D
-partially destroyed
COCOA PT.
=Salt Ponds S1D
-solid waste dumping
*inadequate solid waste disposal system
=Mangroves S1D
REEFS Reef Quality Index
SPANISH PT. NA
-moderate coral species richness and abundance, low algel
abundance
*fishing, diving
COCOA PT. NA
-moderate coral species richness and abundance, low algel
abundance
*fishing, diving
PALASTER 32
-moderate coral species richness and abundance, low algel
abundance
*fishing, diving
Source: Personal Observation, Klaus de Albuquerque, 1987 and
1989; Personal Communication, E. T. Henry, Ivan Pereira, Kevel
Lindsay; ECNAMP, 1980; CEP, 1991.
P = Pristine -- no evidence of human impacts
NP = Near Pristine -- little evidence of human impacts (some
litter, less than 2%, shoreline vegetation destroyed, little or
no beach erosion as a result of human activity, little or no
siltation of beach waters)
S1D = Slightly degraded --considerable evidence of human impacts
(litter, 2-10% shoreline vegetation destroyed, some beach erosion
partially as a result of human activity, some siltation of beach
waters)
S2D = Significantly degraded -- very significant evidence of
human impacts (moderate amount of litter, 10-50% of shoreline
vegetation destroyed, moderate beach erosion partially as a
result of human activity, moderate siltation of beach waters)
S3D = Severely degraded -- evidence of excessive human impacts
(large amount of litter, greater than 50% shoreline vegetation
destroyed, severe beach erosion partially as a result of human
activity, heavy siltation of beach waters
L = Lost; NA = Not available
Reef Quality Index - 50 maximum (excellent condition), 10 minimum
-----------------------------------------------------------------
While Barbuda comes under the ambit of various Government
Agencies and is subject to the same laws and statutes,
technically the island is, through the Barbuda Council,
internally self-governing. While the Council in theory is
entitled to make by-laws and in general control development in
Barbuda, in practice it has been able to exercise very little
control over its resources. The Antigua Government (GOAB), and
specifically the Cabinet, has routinely made decisions affecting
Barbuda without input of the Council, to wit, leasing the rights
to mine sand or to develop land. The GOAB's justification is the
claim that much of Barbuda is Crown land. Barbuda's relationship
"vis-a-vis" the national government is the subject of a
protracted legal dispute. Currently the sand mining operation
have ceased because of a temporary injunction issued by the
Courts (for additional details see CEP, 1991:176).
The operation of these various agencies and regulations in
managing A/B's coastal resources, however, has been largely
ineffective. Take the Department of Public Works which is
responsible for protecting beaches from illegal sand mining. This
Department has no real enforcement arm and no personnel willing
to enforce the Beach Protection Act of 1957. Only the remotest
beaches in Antigua have escaped illegal sand mining. In fact,
sand mining continues at Dry Hill (Runaway Bay), Ffryes Bay,
Pearns Bay, Hermitage Bay and elsewhere, in broad daylight and
often within view of DPW trucks and GOAB officials. The reasons
why GOAB turns a blind eye to illegal sand mining operations are
explored elsewhere in this Report.
The CBH does an equally poor job in terms of enforcement of
various sanitation laws, and an inadequate job in terms of solid
and liquid waste collection and disposal. The latter is largely
due to an inadequate budget and an antiquated waste disposal
system which is attempting to deal with a problem of major
dimensions since the modernization of the Antiguan economy has
resulted in a quantum increase in garbage, construction waste,
industrial waste, etc. Solid waste, from litter, to construction
waste, junked cars, car tires, batteries, etc. is strewn all over
the island, sometimes right in front of DPH signs prohibiting the
dumping of rubbish. Gone are the litter wardens of earlier times
or the community awareness and pride that was so much in
evidence.
Perhaps the most important agency in terms of protecting A/B
coastal resources, and the agency that has had the least
authority, is the Development Control Authority (DCA). This
agency has been and is routinely bypassed by developers and even
regular citizens, who simply take their construction/development
plans directly to Cabinet. When the DCA has attempted to exert
its authority its Director/Acting Director has often been
pointedly informed by Cabinet not to interfere. The DCA has also
been hampered by an inadequate and poorly trained staff. Through
much of the construction boom period in the late 1980's there
were only two building inspectors in Antigua. It has also tried
to operate without a National Development Plan. A draft plan was
prepared in 1976 but no plan as yet has been approved by
Government. The problems of development control in A/B are
reviewed in great detail in the CEP (l991).
While many GOAB Agencies tend to have overblown staffs, they
invariably lack persons with appropriate technical skills, who
are quickly lured to the private sector. Those that stay on in
Government, say in the Fisheries Department or Forestry Division'
are terribly overburdened with routine matters and consequently
underutilized. There are a number of highly trained persons in
the area of resource conservation frustrated by the lack of
equipment, support staff, and so on. Thus the institutional
framework that exists with respect to managing coastal resources
is essentially non-functional, and likely to remain so, because
the Government's consistent preference for quick short-run
economic pay-offs over long-run environmental stability and
slower-paced growth.
In 1989, The GOAB bowing to pressure from the Historical and
Archaeological Society (HAS) and the newly formed Environmental
Awareness Group (EAG), and especially to radio and television
interviews given by E.T. Henry the driving force behind this
group, established the Historical, Conservation and Environmental
Commission (HCEC). The HCEC has no statutory authority and has
no clear mandate, other than to demonstrate the Government's
concern for environmental issues and to represent the Antigua
Government in environmental forums regionally and
internationally. The current Chairman of the HCEC, Eustace Hill,
is the owner of an industrial gas business. He succeeded the
former Chairman Oscar Bird, who has close links to the ruling
Bird family. The Commission does have members with strong
environmental credentials, such as Desmond Nicholson and E. T.
Henry, both with the Museum of Antigua/Barbuda; but the
Commission meets so rarely that these members have very little
opportunity to voice their concerns. In the minds of many
environmentalists in A/B, the Commission is simply window
dressing, given increasing environmental awareness in the region,
by a Government with a very poor record of protecting the
environment.
The St. John's Development Corporation was established by an Act
of Parliament in 1986 on the recommendation of the OAS. Its
primary objective is to promote the revitalization of St. John's.
To this end the Corporation has been involved in a number of
ventures/projects--the Heritage Quay Project (Duty Free
Shopping), the Marina Bay Project, a Heritage/Historic
Preservation project which through the help of OAS architect
Eduardo Rojas has identified buildings of historical and
architectural significance, and proposed the Market Esplanade
project to revitalize the market area and East Bus Station. With
the exception of the Heritage Quay Project and the Marina Bay
Project at Runaway Bay, both of which have been fraught with
problems (Italian contractors, equipment, materials, imported
workers, inappropriate technology), the Corporation has been able
to do very little to revitalize St. John's. Despite several OAS
studies for street improvements and the reorganization of traffic
patterns, the city is inhospitable to pedestrians and has a major
traffic and parking problem.
The city also has a major liquid and solid waste disposal
problem. Open sewers flow directly into St. John's harbour.
Solid waste lines the streets and it is dumped in gutters, around
the harbour shoreline and everywhere possible. Street sweeping
and washing is often impossible to undertake. The Corporation
has attempted to work with local businesses to keep sections in
front of their businesses clean and to make sure rubbish bins are
available and emptied frequently. The Director of the
Corporation, a thoroughgoing professional named Winston James,
like many other professionals in Antigua, has often found his
hands tied and is frustrated by the low priority GOAB has given
to constructing a sewerage system (estimated construction time
3-7 years) for St. John's, and to cleaning up the city to make it
more attractive to tourists and residents alike.
There is one other organization that has the potential to
positively shape the GOAB's environmental policy. The Women's
Directorate/Desk, headed up by the influential, Gwendolyn Tonge.
Unfortunately, after initial support of the Antigua Clean As A
Whistle campaign, the group has seemingly backed away from
environmental issues.
Non-Governmental Organizations
The earliest NGO to have a decided impact on the management of
Antigua's resources, in this case historical/cultural, was The
Friends of English Harbour. An eclectic organization of mostly
expatriates who had settled in Antigua, this organization must be
recognized for its work in protecting and preserving Nelson's
Dockyard and Shirley Heights, for eventually convincing the GOAB
of this important national treasure, and for widely publicizing
the tourism potential of English Harbour. Much of the credit
must go to the Nicholsons, especially Desmond and Lisa Nicholson,
because it was through their efforts to promote park status for
the Dockyard that the National Parks Act of 1984 was enacted, and
subsequently a Park Development Plan and Park Management Plan
drawn up with assistance from CIDA. Having accomplished its
goal, The Friends of English Harbour disbanded, although many of
its former members continue their participation in the Nelson's
Dockyard Foundation and the Historical and Archaeological Society
(HAS).
The Antigua Archaeological Society (AAS) was the predecessor of
HAS, which was established in 1965. Credit again must go to
Desmond Nicholson for keeping HAS together and for all his
research into A/B's early history. Nicholson's work and research
achieved national recognition when GOAB provided support to the
Museum of Antigua and Barbuda in 1986 with help from UNESCO and
CIDA. HAS has about 100 members, both local and foreign. It
publishes a quarterly Newsletter, sponsors numerous field trips
and lectures, helps mount exhibitions at the Museum, is actively
involved in the Museum's educational program, and devotes a lot
of energy to the preservation and conservation of historic sites
and objects. However, since Antigua lacks a National Trust, the
responsibility of protecting historical/cultural resources has
fallen to a number of agencies who have different mandates and
who lack the necessary interest and technical expertise.
Consequently, residential, industrial, infrastructural and
tourism development has and continues to destroy A/B's
prehistoric and historic sites, despite the fact that HAS has
made a very comprehensive inventory of sites available to the
DCA, the HCEC, and the National Parks Authority. As an NGO all
HAS can do is to publicize destruction when it occurs and engage
in highly visible archaeological salvage operations as they did
at the Emerald Cove development in Muddy Bay or at Coconut Hall.
This does serve a useful purpose since it alerts regional and
international organizations to the problem. The Organization of
American States for example, has undertaken a number of studies
in Antigua, particularly related to preserving historical sites
in St. John's and now more recently Parham. Unfortunately, the
recommendations from these studies have all been shelved and St.
John's continues to lose properties of historic significance to
commercial development.
It is because HAS has not been able to significantly influence
GOAB's development policy, that its sponsorship of the Betty's
Hope project becomes all that more important. When completed the
project will have restored several windmills and will have
installed mill machinery to create a replica of what the estate
looked like in its heyday. Betty's Hope has already become an
important site for tourists and local visitors, a clear example
of the economic, socio-cultural and educational benefits that
would accrue if such heritage sites were emphasized by GOAB
policy and appropriate resources made available for their
protection. However, private efforts pressing for public support
to save sites like Montpelier Estate and Fort James remain
unheeded. Currently, erosion produced by dredging and other
activities in St. John's harbour has produced a huge crack in the
Fort James' sea wall. The wall and other areas of the Fort need
to be shored up, but thus far Russel Hodge, who has a lease on
part of Fort James, has been unable to secure GOAB assistance.
Two organizations in the private sector require special mention--
the Antigua Hotel and Tourism Association (AHTA) and the Chamber
of Commerce and Industry (CAIC). The AHTA is an organization
established by hotel owners to promote the tourism industry. The
organization is governed by an Executive Board and the day to day
operations are entrusted to a manager. Member hotels pay
graduated fees based on the number of rooms. In return they are
provided with listing in the AHTA directory, cooperative media
advertising, displays at the airport, bargaining with unions etc.
Some of the AHTA's major concerns are the tourism infrastructure
(particularly the airport), the British Airways deal which
virtually shut out other airlines from operating between Antigua
and the UK/Continental Europe, the high cost and unreliability of
electricity and water, and the Goverment's apparent lack of a
tourism master plan.
The AHTA has been a very vocal critic of the various GOAB tourism
ventures, particularly the Royal Antiguan, which was built almost
entirely by Italian workers and benefitted few local contractors
and suppliers. In 1989, in reaction to Cabinet's policy of
making beach lands available to the highest bidder, the AHTA
commissioned a "Strategic Plan" envisioning who the likely loser
and winners would be in 1995-98 in the competitive Caribbean
tourism market. Antigua was projected to be a likely loser
because of overbuilding of accommodations, the trend towards mass
tourism, deep rooted environmental and infrastructure problems,
excessive pricing to meet costs, all of which were projected to
cause a decline in the visitor experience. The AHTA because of
its interest in maintaining a quality product is very much aware
that protecting and properly managing Antigua's coastal resources
is the key to the industry's long term success. In fact, the
AHTA is on record in opposing the kind of tourism development
that has taken place in Barbados where massive concrete
structures along the coastline have blocked visual as well as
physical access to beaches/coasts. On several occasions AHTA
president Charles Hawley has called for an official investigation
into the misappropriation of public funds by GOAB ministers.
The CAIC has also opposed the current tourism development policy
GOAB is pursuing and has decried the numerous "sweetheart" deals
with Italian and other developers. The CAIC has issued press
releases critical of the GOAB's local and foreign debt, the
number of business licenses being issued to foreigners and the
extent of corruption, mismanagement, and poor public
accountability. Even the Private Sector Organization (PSO),
which represents a number of different business organizations and
has maintained a low profile, was finally driven to request a
meeting with Cabinet in 1992 to address the issue of widespread
corruption in the country. All of these organizations have
powerful members, and they cannot be ignored when attempts are
made to pressure GOAB to adopt a national development plan that
will promote sustainable tourism.
The Churches, particularly through the Antigua Council of
Churches, have also played an active role in mobilizing citizenry
against Governmental corruption and the destruction of the
environment. While the Churches and Ministers have focussed most
of their attention on corruption, particularly Governmental
involvement with prostitution (women from Santo Domingo brought
in to such night clubs as Bruce's, Skells, and the Stables), they
have also preached against the ongoing ecosystem destruction and
have helped promote environmental education among youth (Cathy
Ann-Tonge of the Catholic Presbytery). As a very significant
force in the life of many Antiguans, the Churches have been able
to bring out thousands of people to protest against GOAB
corruption. The Government has on occasion made threats to
deport some Church leaders like Bishop Reece, a Jamaican Catholic
bishop.
There are several other NGOs that have played some role in
promoting coastal conservation , such as the Humane Society
(protecting wildlife, particularly on the Off-shore islands) and
local community groups such as the Fitches Creek Community
Association, which generally mobilize to deal with specific
problems impacting their respective communities. However, it is
the Environmental Awareness Group (EAG) that has had the most
success in bringing environmental issues to the forefront.
Environmental Awareness Group (EAG)
The life history of the EAG provides a useful case study of the
environmental movement in A/B. In 1988, a number of HAS members
concerned with the continuing destruction of A/B's coastal
resources through tourism and related infrastructural and
residential development, organized the EAG to raise public
concerns about the environment. Among this group were people
like E. T. Henry, the Curator of the Museum, Desmond Nicholson,
the Museum's Director, Winston Derrick a businessman, Brian
Cooper of CARDI, John Jurgensen who is overseeing a restoration
project in Rat Island, and some retired expatriates. While the
Group operated out of the Museum, and continues to do so, it was
loosely organized and had no formalized membership or funds.
However, in January of 1989, a constitution was accepted and the
election of officers took place.
The first few monthly meetings were sparsely attended but a
series of environmental disasters later in the year, including
the fish kill at McKinnon's swamp (de Albuquerque, 1991), brought
environmental issues into the public's consciousness and provided
a wider forum (newspaper, radio and television) for the group to
publicize its concerns. These included a long litany of
environmental abuses--the pumping of raw sewage into Mackinnon's
and the sea by hotels, beach sand mining, coral harvesting,
destruction of mangroves, the filling of salt ponds, the clearing
of hillsides, the destruction of shoreline vegetation, solid
waste dumping and so on. With the help of one of the author's of
this report, proposals for funding the activities of the EAG were
drawn up and submitted to a number of regional organizations.
Island Resources Foundation (IRF) provided a preliminary grant
to help organize the EAG and provided a consultant to help
develop an "Institutional Development Plan". Within short order
the EAG was up an running.
One of the EAG's first activities was to help sponsor the Antigua
Clean As A Whistle Campaign. This was followed by an
environmental education program, exhibits in the museum, a
membership drive, lectures, preliminary planning for Earth Day
and for publishing a Newsletter. By the beginning of 1990 the
EAG had become firmly established, and EAG members had begun
making contacts with local businesses and with senators who they
knew were sympathetic to environment causes. Two EAG members
were appointed to the HCEC. The EAG was also designated the host
NGO to oversee and assist with the development of the IRF/CCA
Country Environmental Profile.
The EAG has been fairly successful in its environmental education
program. School children have come to view environmental
exhibits at the Museum, students have attended EAG field trips,
and much energy has gone into impressing upon teachers the
importance of introducing an environmental component (required by
the CXC) into the syllabus of some course. At Antigua State
College future teachers are being exposed to environmental
studies. The EAG also maintains an adequate library that is open
to students doing school projects and to the general public. The
organization has frequently provided in-kind support to a number
of researchers working on environmental issues in the country.
Since 1990 the EAG has obtained contributions and grants from a
number of local individuals and businesses, the Caribbean
Conference of Churches (CCC), the Caribbean Conservation
Association (CCA), IRF, the Nature Conservancy, the Pan American
Development Foundation, the Atlantic Center for the Environment,
and so on. It has expanded its activities into many areas--
agroforestry projects, environmental education (in the schools,
public lectures, media programs etc.), a youth agenda, a
biodiversity project and a coastal and marine resources project
(plant specimen collection, biological monitoring, wetlands
monitoring, coral reef monitoring). All this is in addition to
sponsoring Earth Day, World Environment Day, plant sales, poster
competitions, organizing recycling efforts etc. One of the most
promising EAG programs is the "Youth Agenda", whose main goal is
to interest that hard to reach group of persons aged 17-35 to
take an active role in protecting their environment. This
program is being ably led by Kevel Lindsay, a Forestry Officer,
and recipient of IRF's 1993 Euan McFarlane Award for outstanding
young Caribbean environmentalist of the year. He is assisted by
Cathy Ann-Tonge.
By all measures, the EAG has been remarkably successful. It has
operating programs and projects, has a functioning office,
support from members and some local businesses, an informative
newsletter, fund-raising activities, a successful record managing
grants, wider recognition in the region and elsewhere, and yet it
has failed to impress upon the political directorate that
environmental concerns must weigh heavily in all development
decisions. A recent issue of the Newsletter (THE EAG'ER--April,
1994) in discussing the "Youth Agenda" begins by noting:
"Our country is in a terrible crises. Our very lives are at
stake. The degradation of our environment, lack of consultation
and consensus, social stagnation, poor communication and
information transfer all add up to a growing mountain of
environmental and social problems..."
Local Business Effort
Some businesses also deserve specific mention for their efforts
to assist environmental causes. The Body Shop, following founder
Anita Roddick's well publicized environmental awareness, helped
sponsor the Antigua Clean As A Whistle campaign. Other
organizations like Benjies, Lee Wind Paints, Antigua Masonry
Products and Antigua Aggregates (both Lester Bird companies),
etc. have also contributed to environmental efforts through in-
kind support (e.g. printing) or the provision of rubbish
containers.
FOUR: LOCAL AND REGIONAL CONTEXT
In the local context, this section examines the relative openness
of the media, the power balance in Government, the extent of
coastal legislation, monitoring and enforcement, and
institutional effectiveness in an atmosphere of aggressive
tourist promotion. In the regional context, the position of A/B
is identified across the tourist destination life cycle along
with 20 other small tourist-dependent Caribbean islands (1) to
broadly gauge the level of environmental intrusion, and (2) to
highlight the need for coastal conservation. The role of
regional organizations is also reviewed.
The Local Context
In A/B, Government and the ruling political party (ALP) control
the local TV station (ABS), Cable TV, and both radio stations.
A/B lacks a daily newspaper, and the weekly newspapers are
generally uncritical of GOAB, with the exception of THE OUTLET.
THE DAILY OBSERVER, run by EAG and HAS member Winston Derrick,
made its debut in 1993 and is the closest thing to a daily
newspaper, but it has a minuscule budget and distribution
problems. Nevertheless, it has become a thorn in the side of the
GOAB.
In addition to Government's controlling influence over the local
media, it has also been somewhat successful in controlling the
importation of print materials critical of the islands. For
example, certain books have been banned--Robert Coram's
CARIBBEAN TIME BOMB and Jamaica Kincaid's A SMALL PLACE--and
editions of newspapers/magazines critical of the Bird regime.
But these publications still circulate in Antigua, and special
reports like the March 1994 series entitled "Antigua: Corruption,
Inc." by Melvin Claxton of THE VIRGIN ISLANDS DAILY NEWS, do make
it to bookstore shelves despite clumsy attempts by the ruling
political party to buy up all the issues.
The regional press, and especially papers like ECNEWS, CARIBBEAN
WEEK, CANA,and THE CHRONICLE (St. Maarten) have very little
coverage on Antigua. However, there is a common consensus in the
region that Antigua is a hotbed of corruption.
Although Government heavily influences the media, in a small
island where everyone knows everyone else and people are related,
it is very difficult for Cabinet to conduct its business in
perfect secrecy. Leaks are common and are sometimes deliberate
given the political infighting that often erupts. As a result of
the intense personalism and accessibility characteristic of small
island society, the man on the street is acutely aware of
scandals involving public officials, who the latest foreign
adventurer is on island, and so on. In this way, Government's
control of the media and the inflow of off-island information is
routinely mitigated.
Inter-organizational Power Balance
Political power is held by Cabinet, and in particular the Bird
family, even though the mantle of leadership has passed from Vere
Bird, Sr. to his son Lester. This was especially in evidence
recently. The splintered opposition which finally came together
under the banner of the United Peoples Party (UPP) to contest the
March 1994 election was widely expected to win given the high
level of discontent in A/B. But all of the rallies against
corruption, the round-island motorcades, and the opposition to
the Bird regime by most NGOs (AHTA, CAIC, PSO, Antigua Council of
Churches) could not stop the Bird regime's return to power.
These results underscore not only the overwhelming strength of
the ruling ALP and its history of successful patronage, but also
the current fragility of the A/B economy. In times of
uncertainty, people vote their pocketbooks: better a known
quantity, albeit corrupt, that can deliver, than an inexperienced
team preaching the need for morality in government.
At some level, the various NGOs, the opposition, and the
Judiciary have managed to curb some of the worst environmental
excesses. Nonetheless, GOAB has operated fairly unfettered by
its own laws, by Commissions of Inquiry, and by at times a
critical media. The Judiciary, although fairly independent, has
been relatively timid in taking on Government. Even the most
vocal critics, including some prominent environmentalists, have
been fairly careful not to overstep their bounds. Such restraint
among opposition forces suggests a certain climate of caution and
fear of reprisals, and underlines the imbalance of local power
and the absence of viable checks and balances.
Legislation
Table 15 details specific statutes designed to protect the
environment in general and coastal resources in particular.
These laws, spanning from 1900 to 1986, belie a consistent
historical legal tradition in conservation embracing everything
from fishery regulations, beach protection and biodiversity to
forestry ordinances and national park legislation. There are
notable lacunae: the lack of an approved land-use plan, the
absence of a comprehensive tourism plan, and no coastal zone
management program that would integrate water-dependent
commercial and residential siting and construction with the
physical capabilities of A/B's richly endowed coastal regions.
There is also need for a water use plan, a watershed protection
plan, and serious consideration given to extending protected
status to remaining mangroves and coastal areas rich in
prehistorical and cultural artifacts (CEP, 1991).
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Table 15
Legislation That Has a Bearing on the Management of Coastal
Resources
Agriculture
-The Pesticides Control Act (No. 15 of 1973)
-Plant Protection Act (Cap. 102)
Beaches
-Beach Control Ordinance (Cap. 297, 1959)
-Beach Control (Prevention of Danger) Regulations (SRO No. 25
of 1976)
-Beach Protection (Cap. 298, 1957)
-Beach Protection (Amendment) Act (No. 1)
Development
-Land Development and Control Act (No. 15 of 1977)
-St. John's Development Corporation Act (No. 1 of 1986)
Fisheries
-Turtle Ordinance (Cap. 333, 1927)
-Fisheries (Protection of Lobster)Regulations (Cap. 98, No. 3 of
1978)
-The Fisheries Act (No. 14 of 1983)
-Maritime Area Act (No. 25 of 1986)
-The Fisheries Regulations (1990)
Forests
-Forestry Act (Cap. 299, 1941)
-Forest Regulations (SRO No. 13 of 1941)
-Forest Regulations (SRO No. 42 of 1952)
-Barbuda (Cutting of firewood) By-Law (SRO No. 23 of 1934)
-Bush Fires Act (Cap. 303)
Planning
-Town and Country Planning Act (Cap. 278, 1948)
-Town and Country Planning Regulations (SRO, No. 24, 1953)
Ports and Harbours
-The Port Authority Act (No. 9 of 1973)
Protected Areas
-Botanical Gardens Act (Cap. 300, 1900)
-The Marine Areas (Preservation and Enhancement) Act (No. 5 of
1972)
-The Marine Areas (Preservation and Enhancement) Regulations (SRO
No. 25, 1973)
-The Marine (Restricted Areas) Order (SRO No. 47, 1973)
-The National Parks Act (No. 11 of 1984)
-The National Parks (Amendment) Act (No. 3 of 1986)
Water
-Water Courses and Water Works Regulations (SRO No. 23, 1954)
-Water Courses and Water Works Regulations (SRO No. 24, 1961)
-The Public Health Ordinance (Cap. 236, 1957)
Waste Management
-Public Health Regulations (SRO No. 24, 1958)
-Public Health Regulations (SRO No. 25, 1958)
-Public Health Regulations (SRO No. 35, 1959)
-Dumping at Sea Act (No. 29 of 1975)
-The Litter Act (No. 7 of 1987)
-The Litter (Fixed Penalty Procedure) Regulations (SRO No. 41,
1984)
-The Litter (Fixed Penalty Procedure) (Amendment) Regulations
(SRO No. 16, 1985)
Wildlife
-Wild Birds Protection Ordinance (Cap. 115, 1919)
-Proclamation (SRO No. 16, 1937)
-Proclamation (SRO No. 3, 1976)
-The Barbuda (Shooting and Fishing) By-Law (SRO No. 44, 1983)
-Protection of Animals Act (Cap. 113)
Sources: Royer, 1990; CEP, 1991.
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However, recent history has documented that coastal conservation
has foundered not only on the shoals of missing legislation but
moreso on an inadequate regulatory regime in general and the lack
of enforcement in particular. Ecological preservation has been
consistently overshadowed by the imperatives of laissez-faire
rapid tourist/construction growth. While this policy of neglect
may have be understandable during the 1970s and 1980s when the
agricultural sector was being restructured and new manufacturing
was expanding, it must not continue for two reasons. First,
policy-makers can no longer ignore the irreversible harm of past
unbridled growth along the coastal and wetlands zone. Ruined
mangroves/salt ponds, eroded beaches, and damaged reefs testify
to these long-term losses.
Second, the current stagnation in agriculture, fishing and
manufacturing indicate tourism will be the only viable sector
over the next decade. Unless the special natural and other
assets are carefully managed along the coastlines where tourism
properties and activities are concentrated, A/B's economic future
is in jeopardy. In general, this means GOAB must no long by-pass
DCA scrutiny. In particular, it demands of developers mandatory
environmental impact assessments (EIAs), mandatory sewage
treatment plants for large-scale facilities, appropriate set-
backs, land and vegetation removal mitigation procedures and so
on. Such a reversal in policy at this critical juncture, as
exemplified by enforcing existing codes, is more significant than
the creation of new legislation.
Institutional Effectiveness
Closely related to failed legislative enforcement, and in
addition to fragmented and sometimes unclear resource oversight
responsibility, there are few internal mechanisms in place to
monitor institutional effectiveness. For example, it is commonly
alleged that GOAB's record of revenue collection is weak partly
because there has been no published audit of public finances for
many years. Likewise, it is difficult to judge the status of
terrestrial and marine resource quality and the effectiveness of
management strategies because of the absence of systematic bench
line data and monitoring.
Recent attempts to fill this vacuum are hampered by the lack of
funds, equipment, and personnel. These initiatives are often
fragile, piecemeal, and shoestring and poor instruments for
capturing the kinds of long-term baseline data needed for
fashioning sustainable development. For example, Diann Black of
the Fisheries Department, with the assistance of EAG, is trying
to establish a reef monitoring project using volunteers such as
dive operators and outside researchers (usually American graduate
students). The Forestry Division and the EAG are attempting to
promote reforesting schemes, but for every tree they plant,
scores are cut down, hillsides bulldozed, and whole watersheds
irreversibly damaged to make room for resort developments. These
efforts are further hampered by high frustration and turnover
rates among skilled professional in the public sector, in part a
natural consequence of GOAB's low priority for environmental
concerns.
The Regional Context
This regional overview presents the gestation of A/B's tourism
experience and its recent performance in the context of the
small-island Caribbean. It also examines NGO linkages with
regional environmental and donor organizations and their
potential influences in Antigua.
Tourism Dependence
Antigua and Barbuda share with their West Indian neighbors a long
legacy of colonial monoculture, emancipation and emigration,
postwar political evolution, and economic restructuring. The key
contemporary contour shaping the region is tourism dependence.
Historically, a relatively affluent low-density long-staying
industry spread from Bermuda, Bahamas and the Greater Antilles to
the Leewards--USVI, St. Maarten, Antigua--with the closure of
Cuba to US visitors in 1960. As a result of the favorable
confluence of jet travel, foreign hotel investment, and the
construction of aid-financed transport infrastructure, tourism
has now penetrated the Windwards, and the structure of the
industry has shifted in the mature destinations towards the high-
density, shorter-staying, mass market style (Seward and Spinrad,
1982).
According to table 16, tourism has grown and matured
significantly in A/B during the past two decades. Over 70
percent of the approximately 3,500 hotel/apartment/guest house
rooms today were constructed since 1970. Almost half were added
since 1980. Gross visitor expenditure more than tripled in the
1970s and rose nearly six-fold since 1980. Over the same
decade, the number of cruise visitors overtook the number of
stayover tourists. In addition, the origin distribution of
stayover tourists stabilized, another indicator of increasing
industry maturity. Presently, Antigua's major overnight market
shares include 45 percent from North America, roughly 20 percent
each from the United Kingdom and the Caribbean, with most of the
balance from the rest of Europe (CTO, 1993).
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Table 16. SELECTED TOURISM INDICATORS, 1970 - 1993
1970 1980 1986 1987 1988
Total Visitor Arrivals [note 1]
63,369 N/A 294,051 333,293 406,389
Stay-Over --- N/A 156,688 172,233 187,167
Air --- 86,571 149,322 159,207 176,893
Sea --- N/A 9,366 14,026 10,274
Cruise Ship
18,705 107,094 122,613 153,542 199,810
(No. of Calls)
(71) (164) (239) (268) (274)
Yachts N/A N/A 14,750 20,544 29,686
Windjammer
--- 3,100 4,394 7,480 9,804
Pvt. Yachts
--- N/A 10,356 13,064 19,822
Total Visitor Expenditure US $ Mill.)
11.8 [note 3]
42.0 131.1 147.7 172.9
Stay-overs
--- 38.2 138.0 144.6 168.6
Cruise Passengers
--- 3.8 3.1 3.1 4.3
Visitor Expenditure as a % of GDP
N/A --- --- 79.6 84.8
No. of Rooms
1,036 [note 3]
1,879 2,419 2,752 ---
No. of Beds 2,093 3,746 4,838 5,822 ---
Average Length of Stay (days) [note 2]
4.2 N/A 7.2 7.2 7.7
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
Total Visitor Arrivals [note 1]
406,640 444,714 463,040 468,822 486,769
Stay-Over
189,079 197,046 196,571 209,902 240,185
Air 175,500 184,248 182,188 193,589 221,230
Sea 13,579 12,798 14,383 16,313 18,955
Cruise Ship
207,969 227,329 254,417 250,187 238,473
(No. of Calls)
(349) (325) (421) (346) (319)
Yachts 23,171 33,137 26,435 25,046 27,066
Windjammer
8,611 8,678 10,973 8,640 9,141
Pvt. Yachts
14,540 24,459 15,462 16,406 17,925
Total Visitor Expenditure (US $ Mill.)
173.5 199.0 205.9 221.6 244.0 [note 3]
Stay-overs
168.8 193.7 200.1 215.7 238.6
Cruise Passengers
4.7 5.3 5.8 5.9 5.4 [note 3]
Visitor Expenditure as a % of GDP
82.5 87.6 --- --- ---
No. of Rooms
--- --- --- --- ---
No. of Beds
--- --- --- --- ---
Average Length of Stay (days) [note 2]
8.4 8.3 8.3 8.3 8.3
Sources: GOAB, Department of Tourism; Kastarlak, 1974; McVey,
1987; CTO, Caribbean Tourism Statistical Reports
Note 1. Air Stay-overs + Cruise Passengers + Yacht Passengers
Note 2. Computed from air arrivals only
Note 3. Authors' estimate
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In the context of other small-island Caribbean tourist
destinations, A/B is one of the most developed areas. Table 17
presents visitor data on 20 small British, French, Dutch, and
U.S. Islands. The table also computes average daily visitor
densities per 1,000 population from stayover, cruise and average
visitor stay figures as an indirect test of Butler's (1980)
destination life-cycle model.
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Table 17. Tourist Density Rankings for Selected Caribbean
Islands, 1992
Island Stayovers Average Stay Cruise
(000s) (Days) (000s)
St. Maarten 569 4.8 470
British VI 136 8.8 79
Cayman Is. 242 4.7 614
Aruba 542 7.2 217
Bermuda 374 6.5 131
Bonaire 51 7.4 28
Turks/Caicos 52 8.4 --
Antigua 218 8.3 250
Anguilla 30 10.6 --
USVI 487 4.1 1,277
Montserrat 23 11.0 5
St. Kitts 88 8.9 74
Barbados 385 10.6 400
St. Lucia 178 10.7 179
Curacao 207 7.3 160
Grenada 88 6.5 196
Dominica 47 7.8 90
Guadeloupe 341 6.1 246
St. Vincent 53 10.7 63
Martinique 321 3.5 399
Mid-Year Population
Average Daily
Density per
(000s) 1,000 pop. [note 1]
St. Maarten 32 274
British VI 17 206 [note 2]
Cayman Is. 29 165
Aruba 71 159
Bermuda 61 115
Bonaire 11 101
Turks/Caicos 13 92
Antigua 63 [note 3] 90
Anguilla 10 88
USVI 106 85
Montserrat 12 59
St. Kitts 42 56
Barbados 259 47
St. Lucia 138 41
Curacao 146 31
Grenada 91 23
Dominica 71 18
Guadeloupe 400